ثيودور روزڤلت
ثيودور روزفلت، الابن (Theodore "T.R." Roosevelt, Jr.؛ /ˈroʊzəvɛlt/ ROH-zə-velt)[2] (27 أكتوبر 1858 - 6 يناير 1919)، كان مؤلف، عالم طبيعة، مستكشف، مؤرخ، وسياسي أمريكي شغل منصب رئيس الولايات المتحدة رقم26. كان زعيم الحزب الجمهوري ومؤسس الحزب التقدمي. اشتهر بشخصيته المندفعة، مدى اهتماماته وانجازاته، وزعامته للحركة التقدمية، بالإضافة لتميزه بشخصية "رعاة البقر" والذكورية القوية.[3] وُلد لعائلة ثرية في مدينة نيويورك، وكان روزڤلت طفلاً مريضاً يعاني من الربو. ليتغلب على ضعفه البدني، أقبل على الحياة الشاقة. تلقى تعليمه في المنزل وأصبح طالب متحمس لدراسة الطبيعة. إلتحق بجامعة هارڤرد حيث درس علم الأحياء، وتطور اهتمامه بالموضوعات البحرية. دخل السياسة في المجلس التشريعي لولاية نيويورك، وصمم على أن يصبح عضو في الطبقة الحاكمة. عام 1881، السنة التي ترك فيها هارڤرد، كان قد انتخب في جمعية ولاية نيويورك، حيث أصبح زعيم الفصيل الإصلاحي بالحزب الجمهوري. كتابه الحرب البحرية 1812 (1882) جعل منه كاتب ومؤرخ مطلع.
تيودور روزڤلت، الابن   Theodore Roosevelt, Jr. | |
|---|---|
| |
| رئيس الولايات المتحدة رقم 26 | |
| في المنصب 14 سبتمبر، 1901 – 4 مارس، 1909 | |
| نائب الرئيس | لا أحد (1901–1905)،[1] تشارلز فيربانكس (1905–1909) |
| سبقه | وليام مكينلي |
| خلفه | وليام هوارد تافت |
| نائب رئيس الولايات المتحدة رقم 25 | |
| في المنصب 4 مارس، 1901 – 14 سبتمبر، 1901 | |
| الرئيس | وليام مكينلي |
| سبقه | گارت هوبارت (حتى 1899) |
| خلفه | تشارلز فيربانكس (من 1905) |
| حاكم نيويورك رقم 36 | |
| في المنصب 1 يناير، 1899 – 31 ديسمبر، 1900 | |
| Lieutenant | تيموثي ل. وودروف |
| سبقه | فرانك بلاك |
| خلفه | بنجامين أودل، الأصغر |
| تفاصيل شخصية | |
| وُلِد | أكتوبر 27, 1858 مدينة نيويورك |
| توفي | يناير 6, 1919 (aged 60) اويستر باي، نيويورك |
| الحزب | جمهوري |
| الجامعة الأم | كلية حقوق كلومبيا - تركها؛ كلية هارڤارد |
| المهنة | متعدد المواهب، مؤلف، مؤرخ، ناشط الحفاظ على الطبيعة، موظف عمومي |
| الدين | الكنيسة المصلحة الهولندية |
| التوقيع | 
|
عندما توفت زوجته الأولى أليس بعد يومين من ولادتها في فبراير 1884، كان حزيناً ويائساً؛ ترك السياسة مؤقتاً وأصبح مربي ماشية في داكوتا. عندما هلكت مواشيه بسبب العواصف الثلجية عاد إلى الحياة السياسية بمدينة نيويورك، وخاض وخسر في السباق الانتخابي على منصب العمدة. في تسعينيات القرن التاسع عشر تولى منصب مفوض في شرطة المدينة. بحلول 1897 كان روزڤلت يعمل في وزارة البحرية. دعا للحرب ضد إسپانيا وعندما نشبت الحرب الإسپانية الأمريكية عام 1898 تلقى مساعدة من فوج الفرسان المتطوعين الشهير، مزيج من الشرقيين الأثرياء ورعاة البقر الغربيين. حصل على شهرة وطنية لشجاعته في معركة كوبا، بعدها عاد لينتخب كحاكم لنيويورك. كان مرشح الحزب الجمهوري لمنصب نائب الرئيس مع وليام مكنلي، حيث قام بحملة انتخابية ناجحة ضد الراديكالية ومن أجل الازدهار، الشرف الوطني، الامپريالية (فيما يخص الفلپين)، التعريفات الجمركية المرتفعة ومعيار الذهب. أصبح روزڤلت رئيساً بعدم اغتيال مكينلي. حاول نقل الحزب الجمهوري إلى التقدمية، وشملت محاولاته خرق الثقة والتنظيم المتزايد للأعمال. في نوفمبر 1904 اعيد انتخابه بعد فوزه على منافسه الديمقراطي المحافظ ألتون بروكس پاركر. أطلق روزڤلت على سياساته الداخلية "الصفقة العادلة Square Deal"، واعداً بصفقة عادلة مع المواطن المتوسط بينما سيعمل على تفكيك الشركات الاحتكارية، الضغط من أجل تخفيض أسعار السكك الحديدية، وضمان الطعام الجيد والأدوية. كان أول رئيس يتحدث عن الحفاظ، وقام بتوسعات كبيرة في نظام المنتزهات والغابات الوطنية. بحلول عام 1907 كان قد طرح المزيد من الاصلاحات الراديكالية، والتي قوبلت بالرفض من قبل الجمهوريين المحافظين في الكونگرس. سياسته الخارجية ركزت على الكاريبي، حيث قام ببناء قناة پنما وحما نهجها. لم يكن هناك حروب، لكن شعاره، "تحدث بنعومة واحمل عصا غليظة" تم التأكيد عليه بإرسال الأسطول الأبيض الكبير في جولة عالمية. تفاوض على انهاء الحرب الروسية اليابانية، ومن أجلها حاز جائزة نوبل للسلام.
في نهاية مدته الرئاسية الثانية، دعم روزڤلت صديقه المقرب وليام هاورد تافت للحصول على ترشيح الحزب الجمهوري في 1908. بعد تركه المنصب، قام بجولة في أفريقيا وأوروپا، وفي أثناء عودته عام 1910 اختلف مع الرئيس تافت حول قضايا التقدمية وأخرى شخصية. في انتخابات 1912 حاول روزڤلت لكنه فشل في منع اعادة ترشيح تافت. بعد ذلك أسس الحزب التقدمي ("Bull Moose") الذي نادى بالاصلاحات التقدمية، تقسيم التصويت الجمهوري. سمح هذا للديمقراطي وودرو ويلسون بالفوز بالبيت الأبيض والكونگرس، بينما فاز محافظي تافت بالسيطرة على الحزب الجمهوري لعقود. بعدها قاد روزڤلت بعثة كبرى لغابات الأمازون وأصيب بالعديد من الأمراض. من 1914 حتى 1917 روج من أجل دخول الولايات المتحدة الحرب العالمية الأولى، وتصالح مع زعامة الحزب الجمهوري. كان يعتبر المرشح الأوفر حظاً للحزب الجمهوري في انتخابات 1920، لكن صحته تدهورت وتوفى عام 1919. دأب العلماء على وضع روزڤلت على أنه واحداً من أعظم رؤساء الولايات المتحدة.[4] نحت وجهه في جبل رشموند موضوع بجانب جورج واشنطن، توماس جفرسون وابراهام لينكولن.[5]
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طفولته، تعليمه، وحياته الخاصة
وُلد روزڤلت في مدينة نيويورك. بدأ حياته ضابطاً بشرطة مدينة نيويورك. وفي عام 1897، عيَّنه الرئيس وليام مكينلي مساعدًا لوزير البحرية، حيث عمل روزڤلت على تقوية البحرية. وفي عام 1898، شارك روزڤلت في الحرب الكوبية، مما أكسبه شهرة واسعة ساعدته على الفوز بانتخابات عام 1898 حاكمًا لولاية نيويورك. وأثناء توليه منصب حاكم ولاية نيويورك بدأ روزڤلت ما عُرف بدبلوماسية العصا الغليظة التي استمرت فيما بعد خلال مدة رئاسته.
تأثر شباب روزڤلت إلى حد كبير بحالته الصحية السيئة والربو المنهك. وقد تعرض مرارًا وتكرارًا لنوبات ربو ليلية مفاجئة تسببت في تجربته للتعرض للاختناق حتى الموت، الأمر الذي أرعب ثيودور ووالديه. ولم يكن لدى الأطباء علاج.[6] ومع ذلك، كان نشيطًا وفضوليًا بشكل مؤذ.[7]
بدأ اهتمامه الدائم بعلم الحيوان في سن السابعة عندما رأى خلداً ميتاً في السوق المحلي؛ بعد الحصول على رأس الخلد، شكل روزڤلت واثنين من أبناء عمومته ما أطلقوا عليه اسم "متحف روزڤلت للتاريخ الطبيعي". بعد أن تعلم أساسيات التحنيط، ملأ متحفه المؤقت بالحيوانات التي قتلها أو اصطادها؛ ثم قام بدراسة الحيوانات وأعدها للعرض. وفي سن التاسعة، سجل ملاحظته للحشرات في ورقة بحثية بعنوان "التاريخ الطبيعي للحشرات".[8]
تأثر روزڤلت بوالده بشكل كبير. كان والده قائدا بارزا في الشؤون الثقافية في نيويورك. ساعد في تأسيس متحف متروپوليتان للفنون، وكان نشطًا بشكل خاص في حشد الدعم للاتحاد أثناء الحرب الأهلية الأمريكية، على الرغم من أن أصهاره كان من بينهم قادة الكونفدرالية. قال روزڤلت: "كان والدي، ثيودور روزڤلت، أفضل رجل عرفته على الإطلاق. لقد جمع بين القوة والشجاعة واللطف والحنان وعدم الأنانية الكبيرة. ولم يكن ليتسامح معنا الأطفال في سلوك الأنانية أو القسوة أو الكسل أو الجبن أو الكذب".
شكلت الرحلات العائلية إلى الخارج، بما في ذلك جولات أوروپا عامي 1869 و1870، ومصر عام 1872، منظوره العالمي.[9] أثناء التنزه مع عائلته في الألپ عام 1869، وجد روزڤلت أنه يستطيع مواكبة والده. لقد اكتشف الفوائد الكبيرة للمجهود البدني لتقليل إصابته بالربو وتعزيز معنوياته.[10] بدأ روزڤلت نظاماً مكثفاً من التمارين الرياضية. بعد أن تعرض لمضايقات من قبل صبيين أكبر منه في رحلة تخييم، وجد مدربًا للملاكمة ليعلمه القتال وتقوية جسده.[11][12]
وهو في السادسة من عمره، شهد روزڤ موكب جنازة ابراهام لنكن من قصر جده كورنليوس في ميدان الاتحاد، مدينة نيويورك، حيث كان يصور الموكب من النافذة مع شقيقه إليوت، كما أكدت زوجته الثانية إديث، التي كانت حاضرة أيضًا.[13]
التعليم
تلقى روزڤلت تعليمه في المنزل، في الغالب بواسطة والديه ومدرسين خاصين.[14] يزعم كاتب السيرة الذاتية و. براندز بأن "العيب الأكثر وضوحًا في تعليمه بالمنزل هو التغطية غير المتكافئة لمختلف مجالات المعرفة الإنسانية".[15]
كان روزڤلت قوياً في الجغرافيا، لامعاً في التاريخ، وعلم الأحياء، والفرنسية، والألمانية. لكنه عانى في الرياضيات واللغات الكلاسيكية. وعندما دخل كلية هارڤرد في 27 سبتمبر 1876، نصحه والده: "اعتني بأخلاقك أولاً، ثم بصحتك، وأخيراً بدراستك".[16] أدت وفاة والده المفاجئة في 9 فبراير 1878 إلى تدمير روزڤلت، لكنه تعافى في النهاية وضاعف أنشطته.[17]
كان والده، وهو من مشيخي المتدين، يقود الأسرة بانتظام في الصلاة. أثناء وجوده في هارڤرد، قام ثيودور الشاب بتقليده من خلال التدريس لأكثر من ثلاث سنوات في مدرسة الأحد بكنيسة المسيح في كمبردج. عندما أصر قس كنيسة المسيح، التي كانت كنيسة أسقفية، في النهاية على أن يصبح أسقفيًا لمواصلة التدريس في مدرسة الأحد، رفض روزڤلت، وبدأ بدلاً من ذلك تدريس فصل تبشيري في أحد أحياء كمبردج الفقيرة.[18]
كان أداؤه جيدًا في دروس العلوم والفلسفة والبلاغة، لكنه استمر في النضال في اللاتينية واليونانية. درس روزڤلت علم الأحياء باهتمام وكان بالفعل عالم طبيعة بارعاً وعالم طيور ناشراً. كان يقرأ بشكل مذهل بذاكرة شبه فوتوغرافية.[19] عندما كان في هارڤرد، شارك روزڤلت في رياضة التجديف والملاكمة؛ ووصل إلى المركز الثاني في بطولة الملاكمة الجماعية.[20] كان روزڤلت عضواً في جمعية فاي بيتا كاپا الثقافية (نادي فلاي لاحقاً)، أخوية دلتا كاپا إپسيلون، ونادي پروسليان المرموق؛ كما كان رئيس تحرير مجلة محامي هارڤرد. عام 1800، تخرج روزڤلت من هارڤد حاصلاً على بكالريوس الآداب بامتياز مع مرتبة الشرف. ويقول كاتب السيرة الذاتية هنري پرينگل:
كان روزڤلت، وهو يحاول تحليل مسيرته الجامعية وتقييم الفوائد التي حصل عليها، يشعر أنه لم يحصل على الكثير من هارڤرد. لقد كان مكتئبًا بسبب المعالجة الشكلية للعديد من الموضوعات، بسبب الجمود، والاهتمام بالتفاصيل الدقيقة التي كانت مهمة في حد ذاتها، لكنها بطريقة ما لم تكن مرتبطة أبدًا بالكل.[21]
بعد وفاة والده، ورث روزڤلت 65.000 دولار (equivalent to $1٬565٬379 in 2022)، الثروة التي تضمن له معيشة لائقة بقية حياته.[22] تخلى روزڤلت عن خطته السابقة لدراسة العلوم الطبيعية وقرر بدلاً من ذلك الالتحاق بكلية حقوق كلومبيا، وعاد إلى منزل عائلته في مدينة نيويورك. على الرغم من أن روزڤلت كان طالبًا متمكنًا في القانون، إلا أنه غالبًا ما وجد القانون غير عقلاني. أمضى معظم وقته في تأليف كتاب عن حرب 1812.[23]
عازمًا على دخول الحياة السياسية، بدأ روزڤلت في حضور الاجتماعات في مورتون هول، المقر الرئيسي شارع 59 في المنطقة الجمعية الجمهورية رقم 21 بمدينة نيويورك. على الرغم من أن والد روزڤلت كان عضوًا بارزًا في الحزب الجمهوري، إلا أن روزڤلت الابن قام باختيار مهني غير تقليدي لشخص من طبقته، حيث امتنع معظم أقران روزڤلت عن أن يشاركوا بشكل وثيق في السياسة. وجد روزڤلت حلفاء في الحزب الجمهوري المحلي وهزم عضو مجلس النواب الجمهوري الحالي المرتبط بالآلة السياسية السنتور روسكو كونكلنگ. بعد فوزه في الانتخابات، قرر روزڤلت ترك كلية الحقوق، وقال لاحقًا: "كنت أنوي أن أكون واحدًا من الطبقة الحاكمة".[24]
التاريخ والاستراتيجية البحرية
أثناء وجوده في هارڤرد، بدأ روزڤلت دراسة ممنهجة للدور الذي لعبته البحرية الأمريكية في حرب 1812.[25][26] وبمساعدة اثنين من أعمامه، قام بتدقيق المواد الأصلية والسجلات الرسمية للبحرية الأمريكية، وفي نهاية المطاف نشر عام 1882 كتاب الحرب البحرية 1812. احتوى الكتاب على رسومات لمناورات السفن الفردية والمشتركة، ورسوم بيانية توضح الاختلافات في رمي الأوزان الحديدية للمدفع بين القوات المتنافسة، وتحليل الاختلافات والتشابهات بين القيادة البريطانية والأمريكية وصولاً إلى مستوى السفينة إلى السفينة. عند نشره، أشيد بالكتاب لمنهجم العلمي وأسلوبه، وظل دراسة قياسية للحرب.[27]
مع نشر كتاب تأثير القوة البحرية على التاريخ عام 1890، على الفور تم الترحيب بالكابتن البحري ألفرد ثاير ماهان باعتباره المنظر البحري المتميز في العالم من قبل زعماء أوروپا. أولى روزڤلت اهتمامًا وثيقًا للغاية بتأكيد ماهان على أن الدولة التي تمتلك أقوى أسطول في العالم هي وحدها القادرة على السيطرة على محيطات العالم، وممارسة دبلوماسيتها على أكمل وجه، والدفاع عن حدودها.[28][29] قام روزڤلت بدمج أفكار ماهان في آرائه حول الإستراتيجية البحرية لما تبقى من حياته المهنية.[30][31]
زواجه الأول
عام 1880، تزوج روزڤلت من نجمة المجتمع أليس هاثاواي لي.[32][33] وُلدت ابنتهما أليس في 12 فبراير 1884. بعد يومين توفيت الأم جراء القصور الكلوي الذي لم يتم تشخيصه بسبب الحمل. في مذكراته، كتب روزڤلت علامة "X" كبيرة على الصفحة ثم "لقد انطفأ النور من حياتي". توفيت والدته، مارثا، بسبب حمى التيفوئيد قبل إحدى عشرة ساعة في الساعة 3:00 صباحًا، في نفس المنزل الواقع في شارع 57 بمانهاتن. في ذهول، ترك روزڤلت الطفلة أليس في رعاية أخته بامي وهو حزين؛ تولى حضانة أليس عندما بلغت الثالثة من عمرها.[34]
بعد وفاة زوجته ووالدته، ركز روزڤلت على عمله، وتحديدًا من خلال إعادة تنشيط التحقيق التشريعي في فساد حكومة مدينة نيويورك، والذي نشأ من مشروع قانون متزامن يقترح أن تكون السلطة مركزية في يد مكتب العمدة.[35] طوال حياته، نادراً ما تحدث عن زوجته أليس ولم يكتب عنها في سيرته الذاتية.[36]
سيرته السياسية المبكرة
النائب الولائي
كان روزڤلت عضواً في مجلس نواب ولاية نيويورك في أعوام 1882، 1883، و1884.[37] على الفور بدأ روزڤلت في ترك بصمته في التعامل مع قضايا فساد الشركات على وجه التحديد.[37] لقد منع جهدًا فاسدًا للممول جاي گولد لخفض ضرائبه. كشف روزڤلت أيضًا عن التواطؤ المشتبه به بين گولد والقاضي ثيودوريك وستبروك ودافع عن إجراء تحقيق وحصل على الموافقة عليه، بهدف عزل القاضي. على الرغم من أن لجنة التحقيق رفضت الاتهام المقترح، إلا أن روزڤلت كشف الفساد المحتمل في ألباني وحاز سمعة سياسية رفيعة وإيجابية في العديد من منشورات نيويورك.[38]
ساعدت جهود روزڤلت في مكافحة الفساد على الفوز بإعادة انتخابه عام 1882 بهامش أكبر من اثنين إلى واحد، وهو إنجاز أصبح أكثر إثارة للإعجاب بعد فوز المرشح الديمقراطي لمنصب حاكم الولاية گروڤر كليڤلاند في دائرة روزڤلت.[39]
مع وجود ستالوارت الجمهوري بزعامة كونكلنگ في حالة من الفوضى بعد اغتيال الرئيس جيمس گارفيلد، فاز روزڤلت في انتخابات مجلس ولاية نيويورك كزعيم للحزب الجمهوري. تحالف مع الحاكم كليڤلاند لإنجاح إقرار مشروع قانون إصلاحات الخدمة المدنية.[40] فاز روزڤلت بإعادة انتخابه للمرة الثانية وسعى لمنصب رئيس مجلس ولاية نيويورك، لكن تيتوس شيرد فاز بالمنصب بأغلبية 41 صوتًا مقابل 29 صوتًا لتجمع الحزب الجمهوري.[41][42] في ولايته الأخيرة، شغل روزڤلت منصب رئيس لجنة شؤون المدن، حيث كتب خلالها مشروعات قوانين أكثر من أي مشرع آخر.[43]
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الانتخابات الرئاسية 1884
مع وجود العديد من المرشحين الرئاسيين الذين يمكن الاختيار منهم، دعم روزڤلت السيناتور جورج إدموندز من ڤرمونت، وهو مصلح حيادي. فضل الحزب الجمهوري بالولاية الرئيس الحالي، رئيس مدينة نيويورك تشستر آرثر، المعروف بتمريره قانون پندلتون لإصلاح الخدمة المدنية. ناضل روزڤلت بنجاح من أجل التأثير على مندوبي منهاتن في مؤتمر الولاية في يوتيكا. ثم سيطر على مؤتمر الولاية، وتفاوض طوال الليل وتغلب على أنصار آرثر وجيمس بلين؛ وبالتالي اكتسب سمعة وطنية باعتباره سياسيًا رئيسيًا في ولايته.[44]
حضر روزڤلت المؤتمر الوطني للحزب الجمهوري 1884 في شيكاغو وألقى خطابًا أقنع فيه المندوبين بترشيح الأمريكي-الأفريقي جون لينش، أحد مؤيدي إدموندز، كرئيساً مؤقتاً للمؤتمر. حارب روزڤلت إلى جانب إصلاحيي موگوومپ ضد بلين. ومع ذلك، حصل بلين على دعم من مندوبي آرثر وإدموندز، وفاز بالترشيح في الاقتراع الرابع. في لحظة حاسمة من حياته السياسية الناشئة، قاوم روزڤلت طلب زملائه الموگوومپ بالانسحاب من تأييد بلين. لقد تفاخر بنجاحه الصغير: "لقد حققنا انتصارًا في الحصول على مجموعة للتغلب على ترشح بلين لمنصب الرئيس المؤقت... للقيام بذلك يتطلب مزيجًا من المهارة والجرأة والطاقة... لجعل الفصائل المختلفة تنتصر. هيا بنا... نهزم العدو المشترك".[45] وقد تأثر أيضًا بالدعوة للتحدث أمام جمهور يبلغ عدده عشرة آلاف شخص، وهو أكبر حشد خاطبه حتى ذلك التاريخ. بعد أن تذوق السياسة الوطنية، شعر روزڤلت بطموح أقل للدعوة على مستوى الولاية؛ ثم تقاعد في "مزرعة تشيمني بوت" الجديدة الواقعة على نهر لتيل مزوري.[46] رفض روزڤلت الانضمام إلى الموگوومپ الآخرين في دعم گروڤر كليڤلاند، حاكم نيويورك والمرشح الديمقراطي في الانتخابات العامة. ناقش إيجابيات وسلبيات البقاء مخلصًا لصديقه السياسي هنري كابوت لودج. بعد فوز بلين بالترشيح، قال روزڤلت بلا مبالاة إنه سيقدم "دعمًا قويًا لأي ديمقراطي محترم". ونأى بنفسه عن الوعد قائلاً أن هذا التصريح ليس "للنشر".[47] عندما سأله أحد المراسلين عما إذا كان سيدعم بلين، أجاب روزڤلت: "هذا السؤال أرفض الإجابة عليه. هو موضوع لا يهمني التحدث عنه".[48] وفي النهاية، أدرك أنه يتعين عليه دعم بلين للحفاظ على دوره في الحزب الجمهوري، وقد فعل ذلك في بيان صحفي صدر في 19 يوليو.[49] بعد أن فقد دعم العديد من الإصلاحيين، قرر روزڤلت اعتزال الحياة السياسية والانتقال إلى داكوتا الشمالية.[50]
مربي مواشي في داكوتا
عام 1883 زار روزفلت إقليم داكوتا لأول مرة لاصطياد البايسون.[51]
مبتهجًا بنمط الحياة الغربي ومع ازدهار تجارة الماشية في المنطقة، استثمر روزڤلت 14000 دولار ($349٬200 في 2022) على أمل أن يصبح مربي ماشية ثري. وعلى مدى السنوات العديدة التالية، كان يتنقل بين منزله في نيويورك ومزرعته في داكوتا.[52]
في أعقاب الانتخابات الرئاسية الأمريكية 1884، بنى روزڤلت مزرعة إلكورن، والتي كانت على بعد 56 كم شمال بلدة ميدورا، داكوتا الشمالية المزدهرة. تعلم روزڤلت ركوب الخيل على الطريقة الغربية، واستخدام الحبل، والصيد على ضفاف نهر ليتل مزوري. على الرغم من أنه حصل على احترام رعاة البقر الأصليين، إلا أنهم لم يكونوا منبهرين بشكل مفرط. [53] ومع ذلك، فقد تماهى مع راعي التاريخ، وهو رجل قال أنه يمتلك " قليل من أخلاق الحليب والماء الضعيفة التي أعجب بها المحسنون الزائفون، لكنه يمتلك، إلى درجة عالية جدًا، الصفات الرجولية الصارمة التي لا تقدر بثمن بالنسبة للأمة.[54][55] أعاد توجيهه وبدأ الكتابة عن الحياة الحدودية للمجلات الوطنية. كما نشر ثلاثة كتب: رحلات صيد رجل المزرعة، حياة المزرعة ومسار الصيد، وصياد البرية.[56]
نجح روزڤلت في قيادة الجهود الرامية إلى تنظيم أصحاب المزارع هناك لمعالجة مشاكل الرعي الجائر وغيرها من الاهتمامات المشتركة، مما أدى إلى تشكيل جمعية ليتل مزوري ستوكمان. لقد شعر بأنه مضطر إلى تعزيز الحفاظ على البيئة وتمكن من تشكيل نادي بون أند كروكيت، الذي كان هدفه الأساسي الحفاظ على الطرائد الكبيرة وموائلها.[57] عام 1886، شغل روزڤلت منصب نائب الشريف في مقاطعة بلنگز، داكوتا الشمالية. في ذلك الوقت، قام هو واثنان من العاملين في المزرعة بمطاردة ثلاثة لصوص قوارب.[58]
قضت الولايات المتحدة شتاء 1886-1887 القاسي الذي قضى على قطيع الماشية الخاص برزوڤلت ومنافسيه وأكثر من نصف استثماره البالغ 80.000 دولار ($2.07 million في 2022). [59][60] أنهى مشروعاته في تربية الماشية وعاد إلى نيويورك، حيث نجا من التصنيف الضار للمثقف غير الفعال.[61]
الزواج الثاني
في 2 ديسمبر 1886، تزوج روزڤلت من صديقة طفولته إديث كرمت كارو.[62] شعر روزڤلت بالانزعاج الشديد لأن زواجه الثاني تم بسرعة كبيرة بعد وفاة زوجته الأولى، كما واجه مقاومة من أخواته.[63] ومع ذلك، تزوج الزوجان في سانت جورج، هانوڤر سكوير، لندن، إنگلترة.[64] أنجب الزوجان خمسة أنجال: ثيودور "تد" الثالث عام 1887، كرمت عام 1889، إثيل عام 1891، أرشيبالد عام 1894، وكوينتين عام 1897. كما ربيا أليس ابنة روزڤلت من زوجاه الأول، التي كانت دائماً ما تتشاجر مع زوجة أبيها.[65]
المؤرخ
العودة للحياة العامة
Upon Roosevelt's return to New York in 1886, Republican leaders quickly approached him about running for mayor of New York City in the 1886 election.[66] Roosevelt accepted the nomination despite having little hope of winning the race against United Labor Party candidate Henry George and Democratic candidate Abram Hewitt. Roosevelt campaigned hard for the position, but Hewitt won with 41% (90,552 votes), taking the votes of many Republicans who feared George's radical policies.[67][68] George was held to 31% (68,110 votes), and Roosevelt took third place with 27% (60,435 votes). Fearing that his political career might never recover, Roosevelt turned his attention to writing The Winning of the West, a historical work tracking the westward movement of Americans; the book was a great success for Roosevelt, earning favorable reviews and selling numerous[مطلوب توضيح] copies.[69]
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مفوضية الخدمة المدنية
في الانتخابات الرئاسية 1888، قام روزڤلت بحملة انتخابية ناجحة، وخاصة في وسط الغرب، لصالح بنجامين هاريسون. الرئيس هاريسون عين روزڤلت في مفوضية الخدمة المدنية الأمريكية، حيث عمل حتى 1895، حارب بقوةspoilsmen وطالب إنفاذ قوانين الخدمة المدنية.[70] فيما بعد وصفتهنيويورك صن على أنه "محارب حماسي، لا يمكن إيقافه"[71] بالرغم من دعم روزڤلت لاعادة انتخاب هاريسون في الانتخابات الرئاسية 1892، إلا أن الفائز في النهاية، كان گروڤور كلڤلاند (ديمقراطي البوربون)، والذي أعاد تعيينه في نفس المنصب.[72] صديق روزڤلت المقرب وكاتب السيرة، جوسف بكلين بيشوپ، وصف هجومه على spoils system:
The very citadel of spoils politics, the hitherto impregnable fortress that had existed unshaken since it was erected on the foundation laid by Andrew Jackson, was tottering to its fall under the assaults of this audacious and irrepressible young man..... Whatever may have been the feelings of the (fellow Republican party) President (Harrison) – and there is little doubt that he had no idea when he appointed Roosevelt that he would prove to be so veritable a bull in a china shop—he refused to remove him and stood by him firmly till the end of his term.[71]
رئيس شرطة مدينة نيويورك
عام 1894 أقنعت مجموعة من الجمهوريين الاصلاحيين روزڤلت بخوض انتخابات عمدة مدينة نيويورك مرة أخرى؛ كان رفضه يرجع في معظمه لمقاومة زوجته أن تخرج من المجموعة الاجتماعية بواشطن. لم يكد يرفض حتى أدرج أنها الفرصة الضائعة لتنشيط الحياة السياسية الخامدة. تراجع إلى داكتوا لفترة؛ وعبرت زوجته إديث عن أسفها لدورها في هذا القرار وتعهدت أن هذا لن يتكرر.[73]
في 1894، إلتقى روزڤلت جاكوب ريس، muckraking الصحفي في جريدة إڤنينگ صن الذي كان أعين أغنياء نيويورك على الأوضاع المزرية لملايين المهاجرين الفقراء بكتب مثل How the Other Half Lives. في السيرة الذاتية التي كتبها ريس، وصف تأثير كتابه على المفوض السياسي الجديد:
When Roosevelt read [my] book, he came..... No one ever helped as he did. For two years we were brothers in (New York City's crime-ridden) Mulberry Street. When he left I had seen its golden age..... There is very little ease where Theodore Roosevelt leads, as we all of us found out. The lawbreaker found it out who predicted scornfully that he would "knuckle down to politics the way they all did," and lived to respect him, though he swore at him, as the one of them all who was stronger than pull..... that was what made the age golden, that for the first time a moral purpose came into the street. In the light of it everything was transformed.[74]
ابتكر روزڤلت عادة مشي beatsالضباط في أخر الليل وفي الصباح الباكر للتأكد من أنهم على أهبة الاستعداد.[75] بذل جهداً منسقاً لإنفاذ قانون إغلاق الأحد بنيويورك؛ والذي وقف خلاله ضد رئيسه توم پلات وتامي هول - حيث قدم ملاحظة عن أن مفوضية الشرطة was being legislated out of existence. اختار روزڤلت التأجيل بدلاً من الانفصال عن حزبه.[76] كحاكم لولاية نيويورك قبل أن يصبح نائباً للرئيس في مارس 1901، وقع روزڤلت لاحقاً قانون لاستبدال مفوضي الشرطة بمفوض شرطة واحد.[77]
بزوغه كشخصية وطنية
مساعد وزير البحرية
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أثبت روزڤلت، من خلال أبحاثه وكتاباته، السحر مع التاريخ البحري؛ الرئيس وليام مكنلي، يزعم صديق روزڤلت المقرب عضو الكونگرس هنري كابوت لودج، عين روزڤلت كمساعد لوزير البحرية عام 1897.[78] كان وزير البحرية جون د. لونگ يهتم بالشكليات أكثر من المهام، وكان يعاني من مشكلات صحية، وترك القرارات الرئيسية لروزڤلت. انتهز روزڤلت الفرصة وبدأ في الضغط على الرئيس لفرض آرائه حول الأمن القومي فيما يخص الهادي والكاريبي. كان روزڤلت يصر بشكل خاص على أنه يمكن إخراج إسپانيا من كوبا، لتعزيز استقلال الأخيرة ولإظهار عزم الولايات المتحدة على إعادة تطبيق مبدا مونروا.[79] بعد عشرة أيام من انفجار السفينة الحربية مين في ميناء هاڤانا، كوبا، ترك الوزير المنصب وأصبح روزڤلت نائباً للوزير لأربع ساعات. أبرق روزڤلت للقوات البحرية في أنحاء العالم للاستعداد للحرب، أمر بتجهيز الذخيرة والإمدادات، جلب الخبراء وذهب للكونگرس يطلب منحه صلاحية تجنيد ما يريد من البحارة.[80] كان لروزڤلت دور فعال في إعداد البحرية للحرب الإسپانية الأمريكية.
في الانتخابات الرئاسية 1896، ساند روزفلت الناطق بإسم مجلس النواب توماس براكت ريد للترشيح الجمهوري، إلا أن وليام مكنلي فاز بالترشيح وهزم وليام جننگز براين في الانتخابات العامة.[81] وقد عارض روزفلت بقوة منصة براين المنادية بالفضة المجانية، ورأى أتباع براين كمتعصبين خطرين. وقد ألقى عدداً كبيراً من خطب الحملة الانتخابية لمكنلي.[82] Urged by Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, President McKinley appointed Roosevelt as the Assistant Secretary of the Navy in 1897.[83] Secretary of the Navy John D. Long was more concerned about formalities than functions, was in poor health, and left many major decisions to Roosevelt. Influenced by Alfred Thayer Mahan, Roosevelt called for a build-up in the country's naval strength, particularly the construction of battleships.[84] Roosevelt also began pressing his national security views regarding the Pacific and the Caribbean on McKinley and was particularly adamant that Spain be ejected from Cuba.[85] كان لروزڤلت عقلاً تحليلياً، حتى وهو يتحرق شوقاً للحرب. وقد أوضح أولوياته لأحد مخططي البحرية في وقت لاحق عام 1897:
أرى الحرب مع إسپانيا من وجهتي نظر: الأولى، أنها الصواب من الناحية الإنسانية ومن ناحية المصلحة الشخصية بالتدخل نيابة عن الكوبيين، والتقدم بخطوة تجاه إنهاء تحرير أمريكا من الهيمنة الأوروپية، الثانية، المكسب الذي يعم على شعبنا بمنحم شيئاً يفكرون فيه وهو ليس مكسباً مادياً، وخاصة أن المكسب كان لصالح قواتنا العسكرية بمحاولة القوات البحرية والجيش القيام بتدريب عملي.[86]
On February 15, 1898, يوإسإس Maine, an armored cruiser, exploded in the harbor of Havana, Cuba, killing hundreds of crew members. While Roosevelt and many other Americans blamed Spain for the explosion, McKinley sought a diplomatic solution.[87] Without approval from Long or McKinley, Roosevelt sent out orders to several naval vessels, directing them to prepare for war.[87][88] George Dewey, who had received an appointment to lead the Asiatic Squadron with the backing of Roosevelt, later credited his victory at the Battle of Manila Bay to Roosevelt's orders.[89] After finally giving up hope of a peaceful solution, McKinley asked Congress to declare war upon Spain, beginning the Spanish–American War.[90]
الحرب في كوبا
مقالة مفصلة: معركة ربوة سان خوان
أعلن الجانبان الحرب في أواخر أبريل. في 25 أبريل، ترك روزڤلت البحرية وشكل مع جيش الكولونيل ليونارد وود، أول فوج فرسان أمريكي من المتطوعين؛ أطلقت عليهم الصحف اسم "الفرسان الخشون". مثل معظم وحدات المتطوعين، كان تنظيم مؤقت أثناء الحرب.[91]
تدرب الفوج لأسابيع عديدة في سان أنطونيو، تكساس؛ بعد الحصول على بنادق كراگ المستديرة الحديثة عديمة الدخان، وصل روزڤلت في 16 مايو. استخدم الفرسان الخشون بعض العتاد النموذجي وبعض من تصميمهم الخاص، والذي تم شرائه بأموال التبرعات. التنوع الذي تميز به الفوج، والذي كان يشمل إيڤي ليگويرز، رياضيون محترفون وهواة، السادة الراقيون ورعاة البقر، سكان التخوم، الأمريكان الأصليون، صيادون، عمال المناجم، المنقبون عن الذهب، جنود سابقون، تجار، وشرفاء الشرطة. كان الفرسان الخشون جزء من فرقة فرسان تحت قيادة الجنرال الكونفدرالي السابق جوسف ويلر. كان واحد من 3 فرق في الفيلق الخامس تحت قيادة الجنرال وليام روفوس شافتر. غادر روزڤلت ورجاله تامپا في 13 يونيو، ووصل في دايكويري، كوبا في 23 يونيو، 1898، وسار حتى سيبوني. أرسل ويلر عناصر من فوج الفرسان المتطوعين الأول، وفوج الفرسان النظاميين العاشر على الطريق السفلي الشمالي الغربي وأرسل لواء "الفرسان الخشون" المتطوعين الأول على الطريق الموادي الممتد على طول الحافة المؤدية للشاطئ. للتخلص من منافسة المشاة، ترك فوج من فرقة فرسانه، الفوج التاسع، في سيبوني حتى يمكنه الزعم بأنه تحرك شمالاً بقوات استطلاع محدودة إذا سارت الأمور في الاتجاه الخاطئ. كان روزڤلت قد ترقى إلى رتبة كولونيل وتولى قيادة الفوج عندما انتقل وود لقيادة اللواء. خاض الفرسان الخشون مناوشة قصيرة محدودة عرفت بمعركة لاس گواسيماس، ثم اشتبكوا مع المقاومة الإسپانية برفقة القوات النظامية مما أجبر الإسپان على التخلي عن مواقعهم.[92]
حاكم نيويورك
ترك بطل الحرب الجيش، واكتشف جمهوريو نيويورك احتياجهم له لأن حاكمهم الحالي كان قد تعرض لفضيحة وربما يخسر. خاض حملته الانتخابية بقوة ليحقق نصراً قياسياً في انتخابات الولاية 1898 بفارق تاريخي 1%.[93]
تعلم الحاكم روزڤلت الكثير عن القضايا الاقتصادية الراهنة والتقنيات السياسية والتي ثبت قيمتها لاحقاً أثناء رئاسته. واجه مشاكل الثقة، الاحتكار، علاقات العامل، والحفاظ. يزعم Chessman أن برنامج روزڤلت "أبقى بحزم على مفهوم صفقة الميدان عن طريق حالة الحياد." كانت قواعد صفقة الميدان "الصدق في الشؤون العامة، والتقاسم العادل للامتيازات والمسؤوليات، التبعية من جهة والمخاوف المحلية على مصالح الدولة على النطاق الأكبر." [94]
نائب الرئيس
In November 1899, Vice President Garret Hobart died of heart failure, leaving an open spot on the 1900 Republican national ticket. Though Henry Cabot Lodge and others urged him to run for vice president in 1900, Roosevelt was reluctant to take the powerless position and issued a public statement saying that he would not accept the nomination.[95] Additionally, Roosevelt was informed by President McKinley and campaign manager Mark Hanna that he was not being considered for the role of vice president due to his actions prior to the Spanish–American War[مطلوب توضيح]. Eager to be rid of Roosevelt, Platt nonetheless began a newspaper campaign in favor of Roosevelt's nomination for the vice presidency.[96] Roosevelt attended the 1900 Republican National Convention as a state delegate and struck a bargain with Platt: Roosevelt would accept the nomination for vice president if the convention offered it to him but would otherwise serve another term as governor. Platt asked Pennsylvania party boss Matthew Quay to lead the campaign for Roosevelt's nomination, and Quay outmaneuvered Hanna at the convention to put Roosevelt on the ticket.[97] Roosevelt won the nomination unanimously.[98]
Roosevelt's vice-presidential campaigning proved highly energetic and an equal match for Democratic presidential nominee William Jennings Bryan's famous barnstorming style of campaigning. In a whirlwind campaign that displayed his energy to the public, Roosevelt made 480 stops in 23 states. He denounced the radicalism of Bryan, contrasting it with the heroism of the soldiers and sailors who fought and won the war against Spain. Bryan had strongly supported the war itself, but he denounced the annexation of the Philippines as imperialism, which would spoil America's innocence. Roosevelt countered that it was best for the Filipinos to have stability and the Americans to have a proud place in the world. With the nation basking in peace and prosperity, the voters gave McKinley an even larger victory than that which he had achieved in 1896.[99][100]
After the campaign, Roosevelt took office as vice president in March 1901. The office of vice president was a powerless sinecure and did not suit Roosevelt's aggressive temperament.[101] Roosevelt's six months as vice president were uneventful and boring for a man of action. He had no power; he presided over the Senate for a mere four days before it adjourned.[102] On September 2, 1901, Roosevelt first publicized an aphorism that thrilled his supporters: "Speak softly and carry a big stick, and you will go far."[103]
رئاسته 1901–1909
في معرض الدول الأمريكية في بفلو، نيويورك، أطلق النار على الرئيس مكنلي ليون زولگاش، في 6 سبتمبر 1901. وكان روزفلت يلقي خطاباً في ڤرمونت عندما سمع بإطلاق النار. فسارع إلى بفلو ولكن بعد أن اطمأن أن الرئيس سيتعافى، ذهب في رحلة تخييم وتسلق جبال عائلية مخططاً لها مسبقاً إلى جبل مارسي. وفي الجبال أخبره عداء أن مكنلي على فراش الموت. فرجع روزڤلت مسرعاً. توفى مكنلي في 14 سبتمبر وأدى روزڤلت اليمين في بيت أنسلي ويلكوكس.[104]
في الشهر التالي دعا روزڤلت بوكر ت. واشنطن على العشاء في البيت الأبيض؛ لإرهابه، أثار هذا ردود فعل عنيفة في الجنوب، ورد روزڤلت على هذا باستغراب واحتجاج، قائلاً، أنه يتطلع للكثير من مآدب العشاء المستقبلية مع واشنطن. وبعد مزيد من التفكير، أراد روزڤلت ضمان أن هذا لم يكن له تأثير على الدعم السياسي في الجنوب، فتجنب توجيه المزيد من دعوات العشاء لواشنطن.[105]
احتفظ روزڤلت بمجلس وزراء مكنلي ووعد باستمرار سياسة مكنلي. في الانتخابات الرئاسية نوفمبر 1904، فاز روزڤلت بالرئاسة في انتصار ساحق على ألتون بروكس پاركر. كان نائبه تشارلز وارن فيربانكس من إنديانا.[104]
سياساته الداخلية: The Square Deal
في فترة رئاسته الأولى، سعى روزفلت إلى تقليص سلطة مؤسسات الأعمال الضخمة. وفي عام 1903م، أنشأ الكونجرس ـ بناء على طلب روزفلت ـ وزارة التجارة والعمل (الآن وزارة التجارة). وفي مجال السياسة الخارجية، كان أبرز إنجازاته عقد اتفاقية بنما، التي تُعطي الولايات المتحدة حق استخدام شريط من الأرض، حُفرت عليه قناة بنما.
في فترة رئاسته الثانية (1905- 1909م)، طالب روزفلت الكونجرس بإجازة التشريعات التي تمنع الانتهاكات في صناعة السكك الحديدية. كذلك أجاز الكونجرس قوانين لحماية الجمهور من الأطعمة والعقاقير الضارة. في عام 1905م، ساعد روزفلت على إنهاء الحرب الروسية اليابانية. وفي عام 1908م، عقدت اليابان والولايات المتحدة الأمريكية اتفاقية روت - تاكاهيرا التي تعهد فيها البلدان بعدم السعي إلى إحراز مكاسب أخرى في منطقة المحيط الهادي.
Trust busting and regulation
For his aggressive use of the 1890 Sherman Antitrust Act, compared to his predecessors, Roosevelt was hailed as the "trust-buster".[106] Roosevelt viewed big business as a necessary part of the American economy and sought only to prosecute the "bad trusts" that restrained trade and charged unfair prices.[107] He brought 44 antitrust suits, breaking up the Northern Securities Company, the largest railroad monopoly; and regulating Standard Oil, the largest oil company.[108][106] Presidents Benjamin Harrison, Grover Cleveland, and William McKinley combined had prosecuted only 18 antitrust violations under the Sherman Antitrust Act.[106]
Bolstered by his party's winning large majorities in the 1902 elections, Roosevelt proposed the creation of the United States Department of Commerce and Labor, which would include the Bureau of Corporations. While Congress was receptive to the Department of Commerce and Labor, it was more skeptical of the antitrust powers that Roosevelt sought to endow within the Bureau of Corporations. Roosevelt successfully appealed to the public to pressure Congress, and Congress overwhelmingly voted to pass Roosevelt's version of the bill.[109]
In a moment of frustration, House Speaker Joseph Gurney Cannon commented on Roosevelt's desire for executive branch control in domestic policymaking: "That fellow at the other end of the avenue wants everything from the birth of Christ to the death of the devil." Biographer Brands states, "Even his friends occasionally wondered whether there wasn't any custom or practice too minor for him to try to regulate, update or otherwise improve."[110] In fact, Roosevelt's willingness to exercise his power included attempted rule changes in the game of football; at the U.S. Naval Academy, he sought to force retention of martial arts classes and to revise disciplinary rules. He even ordered changes made in the minting of a coin whose design he disliked and ordered the Government Printing Office to adopt simplified spellings for a core list of 300 words, according to reformers on the Simplified Spelling Board. He was forced to rescind the latter after substantial ridicule from the press and a resolution of protest from the U.S. House of Representatives.[111]
اضراب فحم الأنثراسيت عام 1902
- مقالة مفصلة: اضراب الفحم 1902
In May 1902, anthracite coal miners went on strike, threatening a national energy shortage. After threatening the coal operators with intervention by federal troops, Roosevelt won their agreement to dispute arbitration by a commission, which succeeded in stopping the strike. The accord with J. P. Morgan resulted in the miners getting more pay for fewer hours, but with no union recognition.[112][113] Roosevelt said, "My action on labor should always be considered in connection with my action as regards capital, and both are reducible to my favorite formula—a square deal for every man."[114] Roosevelt was the first president to help settle a labor dispute.[115]
Prosecuted misconduct
During Roosevelt's second year in office, it was discovered there was corruption in the Indian Service, the Land Office, and the Post Office Department. Roosevelt investigated and prosecuted corrupt Indian agents who had cheated the Creeks and various Native American tribes out of land parcels. Land fraud and speculation were found involving Oregon federal timberlands. In November 1902, Roosevelt and Secretary Ethan A. Hitchcock forced Binger Hermann, the General Land Office Commissioner, to resign from office. On November 6, 1903, Francis J. Heney was appointed special prosecutor and obtained 146 indictments involving an Oregon Land Office bribery ring. U.S. Senator John H. Mitchell was indicted for bribery to expedite illegal land patents, found guilty in July 1905, and sentenced to six months in prison.[116] More corruption was found in the Postal Department, that brought on the indictments of 44 government employees on charges of bribery and fraud.[117] Historians generally agree that Roosevelt moved "quickly and decisively" to prosecute misconduct in his administration.[118]
Railroads
Merchants complained that some railroad rates were too high. In the 1906 Hepburn Act, Roosevelt sought to give the Interstate Commerce Commission the power to regulate rates, but the Senate, led by conservative Nelson Aldrich, fought back. Roosevelt worked with the Democratic Senator Benjamin Tillman to pass the bill. Roosevelt and Aldrich ultimately reached a compromise that gave the ICC the power to replace existing rates with "just-and-reasonable" maximum rates, but allowed railroads to appeal to the federal courts on what was "reasonable".[119][120] In addition to rate-setting, the Hepburn Act also granted the ICC regulatory power over pipeline fees, storage contracts, and several other aspects of railroad operations.[121]
Pure food and drugs
Roosevelt responded to public anger over the abuses in the food packing industry by pushing Congress to pass the Meat Inspection Act of 1906 and the Pure Food and Drug Act. Though conservatives initially opposed the bill, Upton Sinclair's The Jungle, published in 1906, helped galvanize support for reform.[122] The Meat Inspection Act of 1906 banned misleading labels and preservatives that contained harmful chemicals. The Pure Food and Drug Act banned food and drugs that were impure or falsely labeled from being made, sold, and shipped. Roosevelt also served as honorary president of the American School Hygiene Association from 1907 to 1908, and in 1909 he convened the first White House Conference on the Care of Dependent Children.[123]
Conservation
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Of all Roosevelt's achievements, he was proudest of his work in the conservation of natural resources and extending federal protection to land and wildlife.[124] Roosevelt worked closely with Interior Secretary James Rudolph Garfield and Chief of the United States Forest Service Gifford Pinchot to enact a series of conservation programs that often met with resistance from Western members of Congress, such as Charles William Fulton.[125] Nonetheless, Roosevelt established the United States Forest Service, signed into law the creation of five National Parks, and signed the 1906 Antiquities Act, under which he proclaimed 18 new U.S. National Monuments. He also established the first 51 bird reserves, four game preserves, and 150 National Forests. The area of the United States that he placed under public protection totals approximately 230 million acres (930,000 square kilometers).[126] In part due to his dedication to conservation, Roosevelt was voted in as the first honorary member of the Camp-Fire Club of America.[127]
Roosevelt extensively used executive orders on a number of occasions to protect forest and wildlife lands during his tenure as president.[128] By the end of his second term in office, Roosevelt used executive orders to establish 150 million acres (600,000 square kilometers) of reserved forestry land.[129] Roosevelt was unapologetic about his extensive use of executive orders to protect the environment, despite the perception in Congress that he was encroaching on too many lands.[129] Eventually, Senator Charles Fulton (R-OR) attached an amendment to an agricultural appropriations bill that effectively prevented the president from reserving any further land.[129] Before signing that bill into law, Roosevelt used executive orders to establish an additional 21 forest reserves, waiting until the last minute to sign the bill into law.[130] In total, Roosevelt used executive orders to establish 121 forest reserves in 31 states.[130] Prior to Roosevelt, only one president had issued over 200 executive orders, Grover Cleveland (253). The first 25 presidents issued a total of 1,262 executive orders; Roosevelt issued 1,081.[131]
Business panic of 1907
In 1907, Roosevelt faced the greatest domestic economic crisis since the Panic of 1893. Wall Street's stock market entered a slump in early 1907, and many investors blamed Roosevelt's regulatory policies for the decline in stock prices.[132] Roosevelt helped calm the crisis by meeting on November 4, 1907, with the leaders of U.S. Steel and approving their plan to purchase a Tennessee steel company near bankruptcy—its failure would ruin a major New York bank. He thus approved the growth of one of the largest and most hated trusts, while the public announcement calmed the markets.[133]
Roosevelt exploded in anger at the super-rich for the economic malfeasance, calling them "malefactors of great wealth". in a major speech in August entitled, "The Puritan Spirit and the Regulation of Corporations". Trying to restore confidence, he blamed the crisis primarily on Europe, but then, after saluting the unbending rectitude of the Puritans, he went on:[134]
It may well be that the determination of the government...to punish certain malefactors of great wealth, has been responsible for something of the trouble; at least to the extent of having caused these men to combine to bring about as much financial stress as possible, in order to discredit the policy of the government and thereby secure a reversal of that policy, so that they may enjoy unmolested the fruits of their own evil-doing.
Regarding the very wealthy, Roosevelt privately scorned, "...their entire unfitness to govern the country, and ... the lasting damage they do by much of what they think are the legitimate big business operations of the day".[135]
انتخابات 1904
حـِفاظي
السياسة الخارجية
Japan
The American annexation of Hawaii in 1898 was stimulated in part by fear that otherwise Japan would dominate or seize the Hawaiian Republic.[136] Similarly, Germany was the alternative to American takeover of the Philippines in 1900, and Tokyo strongly preferred the U.S. to take over. As the U.S. became a naval world power, it needed to find a way to avoid a military confrontation in the Pacific with Japan.[137]
In the 1890s, Roosevelt had been an ardent imperialist and vigorously defended the permanent acquisition of the Philippines in the 1900 campaign. After the local insurrection ended in 1902, Roosevelt wished to have a strong U.S. presence in the region as a symbol of democratic values, but he did not envision any new acquisitions. One of Roosevelt's priorities during his presidency and afterwards, was the maintenance of friendly relations with Japan.[138][139] From 1904 to 1905 Japan and Russia were at war. Both sides asked Roosevelt to mediate a peace conference, held successfully in Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Roosevelt won the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts.[140]
Though he proclaimed that the United States would be neutral during the Russo-Japanese War, Roosevelt secretly favored Imperial Japan to emerge victorious against the Russian Empire. He wanted the influence of the Russians to weaken in order to take them out in the Pacific diplomatic equation, with the Japanese emerging to their spot as the Russian replacement.[141]
In California, anti-Japanese hostility was growing, and Tokyo protested. Roosevelt negotiated a "Gentleman's Agreement" in 1907. It ended explicit discrimination against the Japanese, and Japan agreed not to allow unskilled immigrants into the United States.[142] The Great White Fleet of American battleships visited Japan in 1908 during its round-the-world tour. Roosevelt intended to emphasize the superiority of the American fleet over the smaller Japanese navy, but instead of resentment the visitors arrived to a joyous welcome by Japanese elite as well as the general public. This good-will facilitated the Root–Takahira Agreement of November 1908 which reaffirmed the status quo of Japanese control of Korea and American control of the Philippines.[143] [144]
Europe
Success in the war against Spain and the new empire, plus having the largest economy in the world, meant that the United States had emerged as a world power.[145] Roosevelt searched for ways to win recognition for the position abroad.[146]
Roosevelt also played a major role in mediating the First Moroccan Crisis by calling the Algeciras Conference, which averted war between France and Germany.[147]
Roosevelt's presidency saw the strengthening of ties with Great Britain. The Great Rapprochement had begun with British support of the United States during the Spanish–American War, and it continued as Britain withdrew its fleet from the Caribbean in favor of focusing on the rising German naval threat.[148] In 1901, Britain and the United States signed the Hay–Pauncefote Treaty, abrogating the Clayton–Bulwer Treaty, which had prevented the United States from constructing a canal connecting the Pacific and the Atlantic Ocean.[149] The long-standing Alaska boundary dispute was settled on terms favorable to the United States, as Great Britain was unwilling to alienate the United States over what it considered to be a secondary issue. As Roosevelt later put it, the resolution of the Alaskan boundary dispute "settled the last serious trouble between the British Empire and ourselves."[150]
Latin America and Panama Canal
As president, he primarily focused the nation's overseas ambitions on the Caribbean, especially locations that had a bearing on the defense of his pet project, the Panama Canal.[151] Roosevelt also increased the size of the navy, and by the end of his second term the United States had more battleships than any other country besides Britain. The Panama Canal, when it opened in 1914, allowed the U.S. Navy to rapidly move back and forth from the Pacific to the Caribbean to European waters.[152]
In December 1902, the Germans, British, and Italians blockaded the ports of Venezuela in order to force the repayment of delinquent loans. Roosevelt was particularly concerned with the motives of German Emperor Wilhelm II. He succeeded in getting the three nations to agree to arbitration by tribunal at The Hague, and successfully defused the crisis.[153] The latitude granted to the Europeans by the arbiters was in part responsible for the "Roosevelt Corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which the President issued in 1904: "Chronic wrongdoing or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere, the adherence of the United States to the Monroe doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power."[154]
The pursuit of an isthmus canal in Central America during this period focused on two possible routes—Nicaragua and Panama, which was then a rebellious district within Colombia. Roosevelt convinced Congress to approve the Panamanian alternative, and a treaty was approved, only to be rejected by the Colombian government. When the Panamanians learned of this, a rebellion followed, was supported by Roosevelt, and succeeded. A treaty with the new Panama government for construction of the canal was then reached in 1903.[155] Roosevelt received criticism for paying the bankrupt Panama Canal Company and the New Panama Canal Company $40,000,000 (equivalent to $10.35 billion in 2022) for the rights and equipment to build the canal.[118] Critics charged that an American investor syndicate allegedly divided the large payment among themselves. There was also controversy over whether a French company engineer influenced Roosevelt in choosing the Panama route for the canal over the Nicaragua route. Roosevelt denied charges of corruption concerning the canal in a January 8, 1906, message to Congress. In January 1909, Roosevelt, in an unprecedented move, brought criminal libel charges against the New York World and the Indianapolis News known as the "Roosevelt-Panama Libel Cases".[156] Both cases were dismissed by U.S. District Courts, and on January 3, 1911, the U.S. Supreme Court, upon federal appeal, upheld the lower courts' rulings.[157] Historians are sharply critical of Roosevelt's criminal prosecutions of the World and the News but are divided on whether actual corruption in acquiring and building the Panama Canal took place.[158]
In 1906, following a disputed election, an insurrection ensued in Cuba; Roosevelt sent Taft, the Secretary of War, to monitor the situation; he was convinced that he had the authority to unilaterally authorize Taft to deploy Marines, if necessary, without congressional approval.[159]
Examining the work of numerous scholars, Ricard (2014) reports that:
The most striking evolution in the twenty-first-century historiography of Theodore Roosevelt is the switch from a partial arraignment of the imperialist to a quasi-unanimous celebration of the master diplomatist.... [Recent works] have underlined cogently Roosevelt's exceptional statesmanship in the construction of the nascent twentieth-century "special relationship". ...The twenty-sixth president's reputation as a brilliant diplomatist and real politician has undeniably reached new heights in the twenty-first century...yet, his Philippine policy still prompts criticism.[160]
On November 6, 1906, Roosevelt was the first president to depart the continental United States on an official diplomatic trip. Roosevelt made a 17-day trip to Panama and Puerto Rico. Roosevelt checked on the progress of the Canal's construction and talked to workers about the importance of the project. In Puerto Rico, he recommended that Puerto Ricans become U.S. citizens.[161][162]
الإعلام
Building on McKinley's effective use of the press, Roosevelt made the White House the center of news every day, providing interviews and photo opportunities. After noticing the reporters huddled outside the White House in the rain one day, he gave them their own room inside, effectively inventing the presidential press briefing. The grateful press, with unprecedented access to the White House, rewarded Roosevelt with ample coverage.[163]
Roosevelt normally enjoyed very close relationships with the press, which he used to keep in daily contact with his middle-class base. While out of office, he made a living as a writer and magazine editor. He loved talking with intellectuals, authors, and writers. He drew the line, however, at exposé-oriented scandal-mongering journalists who, during his term, sent magazine subscriptions soaring by their attacks on corrupt politicians, mayors, and corporations. Roosevelt himself was not usually a target, but a speech of his from 1906 coined the term "muckraker" for unscrupulous journalists making wild charges. "The liar", he said, "is no whit better than the thief, and if his mendacity takes the form of slander he may be worse than most thieves."[164]
The press did briefly target Roosevelt in one instance. After 1904, he was periodically criticized for the manner in which he facilitated the construction of the Panama Canal. According to biographer Brands, Roosevelt, near the end of his term, demanded that the U.S. Justice Department bring charges of criminal libel against Joseph Pulitzer's New York World. The publication had accused him of "deliberate misstatements of fact" in defense of family members who were criticized as a result of the Panama affair. Though an indictment was obtained, the case was ultimately dismissed in federal court—it was not a federal offense, but one enforceable in state courts. The Justice Department had predicted that result and had also advised Roosevelt accordingly.[165]
Election of 1904
The control and management of the Republican Party lay in the hands of Ohio Senator and Republican Party chairman Mark Hanna until McKinley's death. Roosevelt and Hanna frequently cooperated during Roosevelt's first term, but Hanna left open the possibility of a challenge to Roosevelt for the 1904 Republican nomination. Roosevelt and Ohio's other Senator, Joseph B. Foraker, forced Hanna's hand by calling for Ohio's state Republican convention to endorse Roosevelt for the 1904 nomination.[166] Unwilling to break with the president, Hanna was forced to publicly endorse Roosevelt. Hanna and Pennsylvania Senator Matthew Quay both died in early 1904, and with the waning of Thomas Platt's power, Roosevelt faced little effective opposition for the 1904 nomination.[167] In deference to Hanna's conservative loyalists, Roosevelt at first offered the party chairmanship to Cornelius Bliss, but he declined. Roosevelt turned to his own man, George B. Cortelyou of New York, the first Secretary of Commerce and Labor. To buttress his hold on the party's nomination, Roosevelt made it clear that anyone opposing Cortelyou would be considered to be opposing the President.[168] The President secured his own nomination, but his preferred vice-presidential running mate, Robert R. Hitt, was not nominated.[169] Senator Charles Warren Fairbanks of Indiana, a favorite of conservatives, gained the nomination.[167]
While Roosevelt followed the tradition of incumbents in not actively campaigning on the stump, he sought to control the campaign's message through specific instructions to Cortelyou. He also attempted to manage the press's release of White House statements by forming the Ananias Club. Any journalist who repeated a statement made by the president without approval was penalized by restriction of further access.[170]
The Democratic Party's nominee in 1904 was Alton Brooks Parker. Democratic newspapers charged that Republicans were extorting large campaign contributions from corporations, putting ultimate responsibility on Roosevelt, himself.[171] Roosevelt denied corruption while at the same time he ordered Cortelyou to return $100,000 (equivalent to $2.6 million in 2022) of a campaign contribution from Standard Oil.[172] Parker said that Roosevelt was accepting corporate donations to keep damaging information from the Bureau of Corporations from going public.[172] Roosevelt strongly denied Parker's charge and responded that he would "go into the Presidency unhampered by any pledge, promise, or understanding of any kind, sort, or description...".[173] Allegations from Parker and the Democrats, however, had little impact on the election, as Roosevelt promised to give every American a "square deal".[173] Roosevelt won 56% of the popular vote, and Parker received 38%; Roosevelt also won the Electoral College vote, 336 to 140. Before his inauguration ceremony, Roosevelt declared that he would not serve another term.[174] Democrats afterwards would continue to charge Roosevelt and the Republicans of being influenced by corporate donations during Roosevelt's second term.[175]
Second term
As his second term progressed, Roosevelt moved to the left of his Republican Party base and called for a series of reforms, most of which Congress failed to pass.[176] In his last year in office, he was assisted by his friend Archibald Butt (who later perished in the sinking of RMS Titanic).[177] Roosevelt's influence waned as he approached the end of his second term, as his promise to forego a third term made him a lame duck and his concentration of power provoked a backlash from many Congressmen.[178] He sought a national incorporation law (at a time when all corporations had state charters), called for a federal income tax (despite the Supreme Court's ruling in Pollock v. Farmers' Loan & Trust Co.), and an inheritance tax. In the area of labor legislation, Roosevelt called for limits on the use of court injunctions against labor unions during strikes; injunctions were a powerful weapon that mostly helped business. He wanted an employee liability law for industrial injuries (pre-empting state laws) and an eight-hour work day for federal employees. In other areas he also sought a postal savings system (to provide competition for local banks), and he asked for campaign reform laws.[179]
The election of 1904 continued to be a source of contention between Republicans and Democrats. A Congressional investigation in 1905 revealed that corporate executives donated tens of thousands of dollars in 1904 to the Republican National Committee. In 1908, a month before the general presidential election, Governor Charles N. Haskell of Oklahoma, former Democratic Treasurer, said that Senators beholden to Standard Oil lobbied Roosevelt, in the summer of 1904, to authorize the leasing of Indian oil lands by Standard Oil subsidiaries. He said Roosevelt overruled his Secretary of the Interior Ethan A. Hitchcock and granted a pipeline franchise to run through the Osage lands to the Prairie Oil and Gas Company. The New York Sun made a similar accusation and said that Standard Oil, a refinery who financially benefited from the pipeline, had contributed $150,000 to the Republicans in 1904 (equivalent to $3.9 million in 2022) after Roosevelt's alleged reversal allowing the pipeline franchise. Roosevelt branded Haskell's allegation as "a lie, pure and simple" and obtained a denial from Treasury Secretary Shaw that Roosevelt had neither coerced Shaw nor overruled him.[180]
Rhetoric of righteousness
Roosevelt's rhetoric was characterized by an intense moralism of personal righteousness.[181][182][183] The tone was typified by his denunciation of "predatory wealth" in a message he sent Congress in January 1908 calling for passage of new labor laws:
Predatory wealth--of the wealth accumulated on a giant scale by all forms of iniquity, ranging from the oppression of wageworkers to unfair and unwholesome methods of crushing out competition, and to defrauding the public by stock jobbing and the manipulation of securities. Certain wealthy men of this stamp, whose conduct should be abhorrent to every man of ordinarily decent conscience, and who commit the hideous wrong of teaching our young men that phenomenal business success must ordinarily be based on dishonesty, have during the last few months made it apparent that they have banded together to work for a reaction. Their endeavor is to overthrow and discredit all who honestly administer the law, to prevent any additional legislation which would check and restrain them, and to secure if possible a freedom from all restraint which will permit every unscrupulous wrongdoer to do what he wishes unchecked provided he has enough money....The methods by which the Standard Oil people and those engaged in the other combinations of which I have spoken above have achieved great fortunes can only be justified by the advocacy of a system of morality which would also justify every form of criminality on the part of a labor union, and every form of violence, corruption, and fraud, from murder to bribery and ballot box stuffing in politics.[184]
الأسطول الأبيض العظيم
روزڤلت يعبر عن محبته للينكولن بوضعه على السنت
حياته في البيت الأبيض
ادارته وحكومته
| المنصب | الاسم | الفترة |
|---|---|---|
| الرئيس | تيودور روزڤلت | 1901-1909 |
| نائب الرئيس | لا أحد | 1901-1905 |
| تشارلز فيربانكس | 1905-1909 | |
| وزير الخارجية | جون هاي | 1901-1905 |
| إلايهو روت | 1905-1909 | |
| روبرت باكون | 1909 | |
| وزير الخزانة | ليمان گيدج | 1901-1902 |
| لسلي م. شاو | 1902-1907 | |
| جورج كورتليو | 1907-1909 | |
| وزير الحربية | إلايهو روت | 1901-1904 |
| وليام تافت | 1904-1908 | |
| لوك إ. رايت | 1908-1909 | |
| المدعي العام | فيلندر سي نوكس | 1901-1904 |
| وليام مودي | 1904-1906 | |
| تشارلز ج. بوناپرت | 1906-1909 | |
| مدير مصلحة البريد | تشارلز إ. سميث | 1901-1902 |
| هنري پاين | 1902-1904 | |
| روبرت ج. وين | 1904-1905 | |
| جورج ب. كورتليو | 1905-1907 | |
| جورج ڤون ل. ماير | 1907-1909 | |
| وزير البحرية | جون د. لونگ | 1901-1902 |
| وليام مودي | 1902-1904 | |
| پول مورتون | 1904-1905 | |
| تشارلز جوسف بوناپرت | 1905-1906 | |
| ڤكتور هـ. متكالف | 1906-1908 | |
| ترومان هـ. نيوبري | 1908-1909 | |
| وزير الداخلية | إيثان هتشكوك | 1901-1907 |
| جيمس ر. گارفيلد | 1907-1909 | |
| وزير الزراعة | جيمس ويلسون | 1901-1909 |
| وزير التجارة والعمل | جورج ب. كورتليو | 1903-1904 |
| ڤكتور هـ. متكاف | 1904-1906 | |
| اوسكار ستراوس | 1906-1909 | |
الولايات المنضمة للاتحاد في عهده
- اوكلاهوما - 1907
بعد الرئاسة
Election of 1908
Roosevelt enjoyed being president and was still relatively youthful but felt that a limited number of terms provided a check against dictatorship. Roosevelt ultimately decided to stick to his 1904 pledge not to run for a third term. He personally favored Secretary of State Elihu Root as his successor, but Root's ill health made him an unsuitable candidate. New York Governor Charles Evans Hughes loomed as a potentially strong candidate and shared Roosevelt's progressivism, but Roosevelt disliked him and considered him to be too independent. Instead, Roosevelt settled on his Secretary of War, William Howard Taft, who had ably served under Presidents Harrison, McKinley, and Roosevelt in various positions. Roosevelt and Taft had been friends since 1890, and Taft had consistently supported President Roosevelt's policies.[185] Roosevelt was determined to install the successor of his choice, and wrote the following to Taft: "Dear Will: Do you want any action about those federal officials? I will break their necks with the utmost cheerfulness if you say the word!". Just weeks later he branded as "false and malicious" the charge that he was using the offices at his disposal to favor Taft.[186] At the 1908 Republican convention, many chanted for "four years more" of a Roosevelt presidency, but Taft won the nomination after Henry Cabot Lodge made it clear that Roosevelt was not interested in a third term.[187]
In the 1908 election, Taft easily defeated the Democratic nominee, three-time candidate William Jennings Bryan. Taft promoted a progressivism that stressed the rule of law; he preferred that judges rather than administrators or politicians make the basic decisions about fairness. Taft usually proved to be a less adroit politician than Roosevelt and lacked the energy and personal magnetism, along with the publicity devices, the dedicated supporters, and the broad base of public support that made Roosevelt so formidable. When Roosevelt realized that lowering the tariff would risk creating severe tensions inside the Republican Party by pitting producers (manufacturers, industrial workers, and farmers) against merchants and consumers, he stopped talking about the issue. Taft ignored the risks and tackled the tariff boldly, encouraging reformers to fight for lower rates, and then cutting deals with conservative leaders that kept overall rates high. The resulting Payne-Aldrich tariff of 1909, signed into law early in President Taft's tenure, was too high for most reformers, and Taft's handling of the tariff alienated all sides. While the crisis was building inside the Party, Roosevelt was touring Africa and Europe, to allow Taft space to be his own man.[188]
ترك روزفلت الرئاسة عام 1909م وكان يبدو أنه سوف يُرشَّح للرئاسة مرة أخرى في انتخابات عام 1920م، لكنه توفي بمنزله في نيويورك.
رحلة السفاري الأفريقية
في مارس 1909، غادر الرئيس السابق البلاد لحضور بعثة سميثسونيان-روزڤلت الإفريقية، وهي رحلة سفاري في شرق ووسط أفريقيا.[189] وصلت مجموعة روزڤلت إلى ممباسا، شرق أفريقيا (كينيا حالياً) وسافرت إلى الكونغو البلجيكي (جمهورية الكونغو الديمقراطية حالياً) قبل أن تتبع نهر النيل إلى الخرطوم في السودان الحديثة. بتمويل جيد من أندرو كارنيگي ومن خلال كتاباته الخاصة، قامت مجموعة روزڤلت الكبيرة بالبحث عن عينات لمؤسسة سميثسونيان والمتحف الأمريكي للتاريخ الطبيعي في نيويورك.[190]
المجموعة بقيادة الصياد المتعقب ر. كاننگام، كانت تضم علماء من مؤسسة سميثسونيان، وكان ينضم إليها من وقت لآخر فردريك سلوس، صياد الطرائد الكبيرة والمستكشف الشهير. وكان من بين المشاركين في البعثة كرمت روزڤلت، إدگار ألكسندر ميرنز، إدموند هيلر، وجون ألدن لورنگ.[191]
قام الفريق بقتل أو اصطياد 11.400 حيوان،[190] من الحشرات والخلد إلى أفراس النهر والفيلة. تضمنت الحيوانات الكبيرة البالغ عددها 1000 حيوانًا، 512 من الطرائد الكبيرة، بما في ذلك ستة من حيوانات وحيد القرن الأبيض النادرة. شُحنت أطنان من الجثث والجلود المملحة إلى واشنطن. استغرق الأمر سنوات لتجميعها جميعًا، وشاركت مؤسسة سميثسونيان عينات مكررة مع متاحف أخرى. وفيما يتعلق بالعدد الكبير من الحيوانات التي الحصول عليها، قال روزڤلت: "لا يمكن إدانتي إلا إذا كان وجود المتحف الوطني، والمتحف الأمريكي للتاريخ الطبيعي، وجميع مؤسسات الحيوانات المماثلة يجب إدانته".[192] كتب روزڤلت وصفًا تفصيليًا لرحلة السفاري في كتاب مسارات الطرائد الأفريقية، يروي فيه المطاردات المثيرة، والأشخاص الذين التقى بهم، والنباتات والحيوانات التي جمعها باسم العلم.[193]
بعد رحلة السفاري، سافر روزڤلت شمالًا لبدء جولة في أوروپا. توقف أولاً في مصر، وعلق بشكل إيجابي على الحكم البريطاني للمنطقة، معبرًا عن رأيه بأن مصر لم تكن مستعدة بعد للاستقلال.[194] رفض لقاء مع الپاپا بسبب خلاف حول مجموعة من الميثوديين الناشطين في روما. التقى فرانز يوزف امبراطور النمسا-المجر، والقيصر ڤلهلم الثاني ملك ألمانيا، وجورج الخامس ملك بريطانيا العظمى، وغيرهم من القادة الأوروپيين. في أوسلو بالنرويج، ألقى روزڤلت خطابًا دعا فيه إلى فرض قيود على التسلح البحري، وتعزيز المحكمة الدائمة للتحكيم، وتأسيس "عصبة السلام" بين القوى العالمية.[195]
كما ألقى محاضرة رومانز في أكسفورد، والتي ندد فيها بأولئك الذين سعوا إلى إيجاد أوجه تشابه بين تطور الحياة الحيوانية وتطور المجتمع. [196] على الرغم من أن روزڤلت حاول تجنب السياسة الداخلية، التقى بهدوء مع جيفورد پينشوت، الذي تحدث عن خيبة أمله من إدارة تافت.[197] أُجبر پينشوت على الاستقالة من منصب رئيس هيئة الغابات بعد خلافه مع وزير داخلية تافت، رتشارد بالينگر، الذي أعطى الأولوية للتنمية على الحفاظ على البيئة. عاد روزڤلت إلى الولايات المتحدة في يونيو 1910[198] حيث تم تكريمه بعد ذلك بوقت قصير بمأدبة غداء على سطح فندق والدورف-أستوريا في مدينة نيويورك استضافها نادي كامپ-فاير أوف أمريكا، الذي كان عضوًا فيه.[199]
في أكتوبر 1910، أصبح روزڤلت أول رئيس أمريكي يسافر على متن طائرة، وبقي محلقاً لأربع دقائق في طائرة من تصميم الأخوة رايت بالقرب من سانت لويس، مزوري.[200]
زيارته الثانية لمصر 1910
انقسام الحزب الجمهوري
Roosevelt had attempted to refashion Taft into a copy of himself, but he recoiled as Taft began to display his individuality. He was offended on election night when Taft indicated that his success had been possible not just through the efforts of Roosevelt, but also Taft's half-brother Charles P. Taft. Roosevelt was further alienated when Taft, intent on becoming his own man, did not consult him about cabinet appointments.[201] Roosevelt and other progressives were ideologically dissatisfied over Taft's conservation policies and his handling of the tariff when he concentrated more power in the hands of conservative party leaders in Congress.[202] Stanley Solvick argues that as President Taft abided by the goals and procedures of the "Square Deal" promoted by Roosevelt in his first term. The problem was that Roosevelt and the more radical progressives had moved on to more aggressive goals, such as curbing the judiciary, which Taft rejected.[203] Regarding radicalism and liberalism, Roosevelt wrote a British friend in 1911:
- Fundamentally it is the radical liberal with whom I sympathize. He is at least working toward the end for which I think we should all of us strive; and when he adds sanity in moderation to courage and enthusiasm for high ideals he develops into the kind of statesman whom alone I can wholeheartedly support.[204]
Roosevelt urged progressives to take control of the Republican Party at the state and local level and to avoid splitting the party in a way that would hand the presidency to the Democrats in 1912. To that end Roosevelt publicly expressed optimism about the Taft Administration after meeting with the president in June 1910.[205]
In August 1910, Roosevelt escalated the rivalry with a speech at Osawatomie, Kansas, which was the most radical of his career. It marked his public break with Taft and the conservative Republicans. Advocating a program he called the "New Nationalism", Roosevelt emphasized the priority of labor over capital interests, and the need to control corporate creation and combination. He called for a ban on corporate political contributions.[206] Returning to New York, Roosevelt began a battle to take control of the state Republican party from William Barnes Jr., Tom Platt's successor as the state party boss. Taft had pledged his support to Roosevelt in this endeavor, and Roosevelt was outraged when Taft's support failed to materialize at the 1910 state convention.[207] Roosevelt campaigned for the Republicans in the 1910 elections, in which the Democrats gained control of the House for the first time since 1892. Among the newly elected Democrats was New York state senator Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who argued that he represented his distant cousin's policies better than his Republican opponent.[208]
The Republican progressives interpreted the 1910 defeats as a compelling argument for the complete reorganization of the party in 1911.[209] Senator Robert M. La Follette of Wisconsin joined with Pinchot, William White, and California Governor Hiram Johnson to create the National Progressive Republican League; their objectives were to defeat the power of political bossism at the state level and to replace Taft at the national level.[210] Despite his skepticism of La Follette's new league, Roosevelt expressed general support for progressive principles. Between January and April 1911, Roosevelt wrote a series of articles for The Outlook, defending what he called "the great movement of our day, the progressive nationalist movement against special privilege, and in favor of an honest and efficient political and industrial democracy".[211] With Roosevelt apparently uninterested in running in 1912, La Follette declared his own candidacy in June 1911.[210] Roosevelt continually criticized Taft after the 1910 elections, and the break between the two men became final after the Justice Department filed an antitrust lawsuit against US Steel in September 1911; Roosevelt was humiliated by this suit because he had personally approved of an acquisition that the Justice Department was now challenging. However, Roosevelt was still unwilling to run against Taft in 1912; he instead hoped to run in 1916 against whichever Democrat beat Taft in 1912.[212]
Battling Taft over arbitration treaties
Taft was world leader for arbitration as a guarantee of world peace. In 1911 he and his Secretary of State Philander C. Knox negotiated major treaties with Great Britain and France providing that differences be arbitrated. Disputes had to be submitted to the Hague Court or another tribunal. These were signed in August 1911 but had to be ratified by a two-thirds vote of the Senate. Neither Taft nor Knox consulted with leaders of the Senate during the negotiating process. By then many Republicans were opposed to Taft, and the president felt that lobbying too hard for the treaties might cause their defeat. He made some speeches supporting the treaties in October, but the Senate added amendments Taft could not accept, killing the agreements.[213]
The arbitration issue revealed a deep philosophical dispute among American progressives. One faction, led by Taft looked to legal arbitration as the best alternative to warfare. Taft was a constitutional lawyer with a deep understanding of the legal issues.[214] Taft's political base was the conservative business community that largely supported peace movements before 1914. However, he failed to mobilize that base. The businessmen believed that economic rivalries were the cause of war, and that extensive trade led to an interdependent world that would make war a very expensive and useless anachronism.[215]
However, an opposing faction of progressives, led by Roosevelt, ridiculed arbitration as foolhardy idealism, and insisted on the realism of warfare as the only solution to serious international disputes. Roosevelt worked with his close friend Senator Henry Cabot Lodge to impose those amendments that ruined the goals of the treaties. Lodge's motivation was that he complained the treaties impinged too much on senatorial prerogatives.[216] Roosevelt, however, was acting to sabotage Taft's campaign promises.[217] At a deeper level, Roosevelt truly believed that arbitration was a naïve solution and the great issues had to be decided by warfare. The Rooseveltian approach incorporated a near-mystical faith of the ennobling nature of war. It endorsed jingoistic nationalism as opposed to the businessmen's calculation of profit and national interest.[218][219]
انتخابات 1912
Republican primaries and convention
In November 1911, a group of Ohio Republicans endorsed Roosevelt for the party's nomination for president; the endorsers included James R. Garfield and Dan Hanna. This endorsement was made by leaders of President Taft's home state. Roosevelt conspicuously declined to make a statement—requested by Garfield—that he would flatly refuse a nomination. Soon thereafter, Roosevelt said, "I am really sorry for Taft... I am sure he means well, but he means well feebly, and he does not know how! He is utterly unfit for leadership and this is a time when we need leadership." In January 1912, Roosevelt declared "if the people make a draft on me I shall not decline to serve".[220] Later that year, Roosevelt spoke before the Constitutional Convention in Ohio, openly identifying as a progressive and endorsing progressive reforms—even endorsing popular review of state judicial decisions.[221] In reaction to Roosevelt's proposals for popular overrule of court decisions, Taft said, "Such extremists are not progressives—they are political emotionalists or neurotics".[222]
Roosevelt began to envision himself as the savior of the Republican Party from defeat in the upcoming presidential election. In February 1912, Roosevelt announced in Boston, "I will accept the nomination for president if it is tendered to me. I hope that so far as possible the people may be given the chance through direct primaries to express who shall be the nominee.[223][224] Elihu Root and Henry Cabot Lodge thought that division of the party would lead to its defeat in the next election, while Taft believed that he would be defeated either in the Republican primary or in the general election.[225]
The 1912 primaries represented the first extensive use of the presidential primary, a reform achievement of the progressive movement.[226] The Republican primaries in the South, where party regulars dominated, went for Taft, as did results in New York, Indiana, Michigan, Kentucky, and Massachusetts. Meanwhile, Roosevelt won in Illinois, Minnesota, Nebraska, South Dakota, California, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. The greatest primary fight came in Ohio, Taft's base. Both the Taft and Roosevelt campaigns worked furiously, and La Follette joined in. Each team sent in big name speakers. Roosevelt's train went 1,800 miles back and forth in the one state, where he made 75 speeches. Taft's train went 3,000 miles criss-crossing Ohio and he made over 100 speeches.Roosevelt swept the state, convincing Roosevelt that he should intensify his campaigning, and letting Taft know he should work from the White House not the stump.[227] Only a third of the states held primaries; elsewhere the state organization chose the delegations to the national convention, and they favored Taft. The final credentials of the state delegates at the national convention were determined by the national committee, which was controlled by Taft men.[228][229]
Prior to the 1912 Republican National Convention in Chicago, Roosevelt expressed doubt about his prospects for victory, noting that Taft had more delegates and control of the credentials committee. His only hope was to convince party leaders that the nomination of Taft would hand the election to the Democrats, but party leaders were determined not to cede their leadership to Roosevelt.[230] The credentials committee awarded 235 contested delegates to Taft and 19 to Roosevelt. Taft won the nomination on the first ballot with 561 votes against 107 for Roosevelt and 41 for La Follette. Of the Roosevelt delegates, 344 refused to vote so they would not be committed to the Republican ticket.[231][232] Black delegates from the South played a key role: they voted heavily for Taft and put him over the top.[233] La Follette hoped that a deadlocked convention would result in his own nomination and refused to release his delegates to support Roosevelt.[231]
Roosevelt denounces the election
According to Lewis L. Gould, in 1912
Roosevelt saw Taft as the agent of "the forces of reaction and of political crookedness".... Roosevelt had become the most dangerous man in American history, said Taft, "because of his hold upon the less intelligent voters and the discontented." The Republican National Committee, dominated by the Taft forces, awarded 235 delegates to the president and 19 to Roosevelt, thereby ensuring Taft's renomination. Roosevelt believed himself entitled to 72 delegates from Arizona, California, Texas and Washington that had been given to Taft. Firm in his conviction that the nomination was being stolen from him, Roosevelt ....told cheering supporters that there was "a great moral issue" at stake and he should have "sixty to eighty lawfully elected delegates" added to his total....Roosevelt ended his speech declaring: "Fearless of the future; unheeding of our individual fates; with unflinching hearts and undimmed eyes; we stand at Armageddon, and we battle for the Lord!"[234]
تشكيل حزب ذَكـَر الأيل
هل لديك مشكلة في تشغيل هذا الملف؟ انظر مساعدة الوسائط.
Once his defeat at the Republican convention appeared probable, Roosevelt announced that he would "accept the progressive nomination on a progressive platform and I shall fight to the end, win or lose". At the same time, Roosevelt prophetically said, "My feeling is that the Democrats will probably win if they nominate a progressive".[235]
Roosevelt left the Republican Party and created the Progressive Party, structuring it as a permanent organization that would field complete tickets at the presidential and state level. The new party included many reformers, including Jane Addams. Although many Republican politicians had announced for Roosevelt before Taft won the nomination, he was stunned to discover that very few incumbent politicians followed him into the new party. The main exception was California, where the Progressive faction took control of the Republican Party. Loyalty to the old party was a powerful factor for incumbents; only five senators now supported Roosevelt.[236][237] Roosevelt's daughter Alice had a White House marriage to Congressman Nicholas Longworth, who represented Taft's base in Cincinnati. Roosevelt reassured him in 1912 that of course he had to endorse Taft. However, Alice was her father's biggest cheerleader—the public conflict between spouses ruined the marriage.[238]
The leadership of the new party included a wide range of reformers. Jane Addams campaigned vigorously for the new party as a breakthrough in social reform.[239] Gifford Pinchot represented the environmentalists and anti-trust crusaders. Publisher Frank Munsey provided much of the cash.[240] George W. Perkins, a leading Wall Street financier and senior partner of J.P. Morgan bank came from the efficiency movement. He handled the new party's finances efficiently but was deeply distrusted by many reformers.[241]
The new party was popularly known as the "Bull Moose Party" after Roosevelt told reporters, "I'm as fit as a bull moose".[242] At the 1912 Progressive National Convention, Roosevelt cried out, "We stand at Armageddon and we battle for the Lord." Governor Hiram Johnson controlled the California party, forcing out the Taft supporters. He was nominated as Roosevelt's running mate.[243]
Roosevelt's platform echoed his radical 1907–1908 proposals, calling for vigorous government intervention to protect the people from selfish interests:
To destroy this invisible Government, to dissolve the unholy alliance between corrupt business and corrupt politics is the first task of the statesmanship of the day.[244][245] This country belongs to the people. Its resources, its business, its laws, its institutions, should be utilized, maintained, or altered in whatever manner will best promote the general interest. This assertion is explicit... Mr. Wilson must know that every monopoly in the United States opposes the Progressive party... I challenge him... to name the monopoly that did support the Progressive party, whether... the Sugar Trust, the US Steel Trust, the Harvester Trust, the Standard Oil Trust, the Tobacco Trust, or any other... Ours was the only program to which they objected, and they supported either Mr. Wilson or Mr. Taft.[246]
Though many Progressive party activists in the North opposed the steady loss of civil rights for blacks, Roosevelt ran a "lily-white" campaign in the South. Rival all-white and all-black delegations from four southern states arrived at the Progressive national convention, and Roosevelt decided to seat the all-white delegations.[247][248][249] Nevertheless, he won few votes outside a few traditional Republican strongholds. Out of 1,100 counties in the South, Roosevelt won two counties in Alabama, one in Arkansas, seven in North Carolina, three in Georgia, 17 in Tennessee, two in Texas, one in Virginia, and none in Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi, or South Carolina.[250]
محاولة اغتياله
On October 14, 1912, while arriving at a campaign event in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Roosevelt was shot from seven feet away in front of the Gilpatrick Hotel by a delusional saloonkeeper named John Flammang Schrank, who believed that the ghost of assassinated president William McKinley had directed him to kill Roosevelt.[251][252] The bullet lodged in his chest after penetrating his steel eyeglass case and passing through a 50-page-thick single-folded copy of the speech titled "Progressive Cause Greater Than Any Individual", which he was carrying in his jacket.[253] Schrank was immediately disarmed (by Czech immigrant Frank Bukovsky), captured, and might have been lynched had Roosevelt not shouted for Schrank to remain unharmed.[254][255] Roosevelt assured the crowd he was all right, then ordered police to take charge of Schrank and to make sure no violence was done to him.[256]
As an experienced hunter and anatomist, Roosevelt correctly concluded that since he was not coughing blood, the bullet had not reached his lung. He declined suggestions to go to the hospital immediately and instead delivered a 90-minute speech with blood seeping into his shirt.[257] His opening comments to the gathered crowd were, "Ladies and gentlemen, I don't know whether you fully understand that I have just been shot, but it takes more than that to kill a Bull Moose."[258] Only after finishing his address did he accept medical attention.
Subsequent probes and an x-ray showed that the bullet had lodged in Roosevelt's chest muscle but did not penetrate the pleura. Doctors concluded that it would be less dangerous to leave it in place than to attempt to remove it, and Roosevelt carried the bullet with him for the rest of his life.[259][260] Both Taft and Democratic nominee Woodrow Wilson suspended their own campaigning until Roosevelt recovered and resumed his. When asked if the shooting would affect his election campaign, he said to the reporter "I'm fit as a bull moose." The bull moose became a symbol of both Roosevelt and the Progressive Party, and it often was referred to as simply the Bull Moose Party. He spent two weeks recuperating before returning to the campaign trail. He later wrote a friend about the bullet inside him, "I do not mind it any more than if it were in my waistcoat pocket."[261]
Democratic victory
After the Democrats nominated Governor Woodrow Wilson of New Jersey, Roosevelt did not expect to win the general election, as Wilson had compiled a record attractive to many progressive Democrats who might have otherwise considered voting for Roosevelt.[262] Roosevelt still campaigned vigorously, and the election developed into a two-person contest despite Taft's quiet presence in the race. Roosevelt respected Wilson, but the two differed on various issues; Wilson opposed any federal intervention regarding women's suffrage or child labor (he viewed these as state issues) and attacked Roosevelt's tolerance of large businesses.[263]
Roosevelt won 4.1 million votes (27%), compared to Taft's 3.5 million (23%) and Wilson's gained 6.3 million (42%). Wilson scored a massive landslide in the Electoral College, with 435 electoral votes; Roosevelt won 88 electoral votes, while Taft won 8. Pennsylvania was the only eastern state won by Roosevelt; in the Midwest, he carried Michigan, Minnesota, and South Dakota; in the West, California, and Washington.[264] Wilson's victory was the first for a Democrat since Cleveland in 1892. It was the party's best performance in the Electoral College since 1852. Roosevelt, meanwhile, garnered a higher share of the popular vote than any other third-party presidential candidate in history and won the most states of any third-party candidate after the Civil War.[265]
تجريدة أمريكا الجنوبية 1913–1914
In 1907 a friend of Roosevelt's, John Augustine Zahm, a professor at the University of Notre Dame, invited Roosevelt to help plan a research expedition to South America. Now was the time to escape politics. To finance it, Roosevelt obtained support from the American Museum of Natural History in return for promising to bring back many new animal specimens. Roosevelt's popular book, Through the Brazilian Wilderness[266] describes his expedition into the Brazilian jungle in 1913 as a member of the Roosevelt-Rondon Scientific Expedition, co-named after its leader, Brazilian explorer Cândido Rondon.
Once in South America, a new, far more ambitious goal was added: to find the headwaters of the Rio da Duvida (Portuguese for "River of Doubt") and trace it north to the Madeira and thence to the Amazon River. It was later renamed Roosevelt River in honor of the former president. Roosevelt's crew consisted of his son Kermit, Colonel Rondon, naturalist George Kruck Cherrie (sent by the American Museum of Natural History), Brazilian Lieutenant João Lira, team physician José Antonio Cajazeira, and 16 skilled paddlers and porters. Roosevelt also identified Leo Miller (another AMNH recommendation), Anthony Fiala, Frank Harper, and Jacob Sigg as crew members.[267] The initial expedition started somewhat tenuously on December 9, 1913, at the height of the rainy season. The trip down the River of Doubt started on February 27, 1914.[268]
During the trip down the river, Roosevelt suffered a minor leg wound after he jumped into the river to try to prevent two canoes from smashing against the rocks. The flesh wound he received, however, soon gave him tropical fever that resembled the malaria he had contracted while in Cuba fifteen years before.[269] Because the bullet lodged in his chest from the assassination attempt in 1912 was never removed, his health worsened from the infection.[270] This weakened Roosevelt so greatly that six weeks into the adventure, he had to be attended to day and night by the expedition's physician and his son Kermit. By then, he could not walk because of the infection in his injured leg and an infirmity in the other, which was due to a traffic accident a decade earlier. Roosevelt was riddled with chest pains, fighting a fever that soared to 103 °F (39 °C) and at times made him delirious, at one point constantly reciting the first two lines of Samuel Taylor Coleridge's poem "Kubla Khan": "In Xanadu did Kubla Khan / A stately pleasure dome decree". Regarding his condition as a threat to the survival of the others, Roosevelt insisted he be left behind to allow the poorly provisioned expedition to proceed as rapidly as it could, preparing to commit suicide with an overdose of morphine. Only an appeal by his son persuaded him to continue.[268]
Despite Roosevelt's continued decline and loss of over 50 pounds (23 kg), Colonel Rondon reduced the pace of the expedition to allow for his commission's mapmaking and other geographical tasks, which required regular stops to fix the expedition's position by sun-based survey. Upon Roosevelt's return to New York, friends and family were startled by his physical appearance and fatigue. Roosevelt wrote, perhaps prophetically, to a friend that the trip had cut his life short by ten years. For the rest of his few remaining years, he would be plagued by flare-ups of malaria and leg inflammations so severe as to require surgery.[271] Before Roosevelt had even completed his sea voyage home, critics raised doubts over his claims of exploring and navigating a completely uncharted river over 625 miles (1,006 km) long. When he had recovered sufficiently, he addressed a standing-room-only convention organized in Washington, D.C., by the National Geographic Society and satisfactorily defended his claims.[268][صفحة مطلوبة]
ككاتب
هل لديك مشكلة في تشغيل هذا الملف؟ انظر مساعدة الوسائط.
كان روزفلت غزير الكتابة بحرارة عن مواضيع تتراوح بين السياسة الخارجية ونظام المتنزهات الوطنية.
آخر أعوامه ووفاته
Roosevelt returned to the United States in May 1914. Though he was outraged by the Wilson Administration's conclusion of a treaty that expressed "sincere regret" for the way in which the United States had acquired the Panama Canal Zone, he was impressed by many of the reforms passed under Wilson. Roosevelt made several campaign appearances for the Progressives, but the 1914 elections were a disaster for the fledgling third party.[272] Roosevelt began to envision another campaign for president, this time with himself at the head of the Republican Party, but conservative party leaders remained opposed to Roosevelt.[273] In hopes of engineering a joint nomination, the Progressives scheduled the 1916 Progressive National Convention at the same time as the 1916 Republican National Convention. When the Republicans nominated Charles Evans Hughes, Roosevelt declined the Progressive nomination and urged his Progressive followers to support the Republican candidate.[274] Though Roosevelt had long disliked Hughes, he disliked Wilson even more, and he campaigned energetically for the Republican nominee. However, Wilson won the 1916 election by a narrow margin.[275] The Progressives disappeared as a party following the 1916 election, and Roosevelt and many of his followers permanently re-joined the Republican Party.[276]
World War I
When the First World War began in 1914, Roosevelt strongly supported the Allies and demanded a harsher policy against Germany, especially regarding submarine warfare. Roosevelt angrily denounced the foreign policy of President Wilson, calling it a failure regarding the atrocities in Belgium and the violations of American rights.[277] In 1916, while campaigning for Hughes, Roosevelt repeatedly denounced Irish Americans and German Americans whom he described as unpatriotic, saying they put the interests of Ireland and Germany ahead of America's by supporting neutrality. He insisted that one had to be 100% American, not a "hyphenated American" who juggled multiple loyalties. In March 1917, Congress gave Roosevelt the authority to raise a maximum of four divisions similar to the Rough Riders, and Major Frederick Russell Burnham was put in charge of both the general organization and recruitment.[278][279] However, President Wilson announced to the press that he would not send Roosevelt and his volunteers to France, but instead would send an American Expeditionary Force under the command of General John J. Pershing.[280] Roosevelt never forgave Wilson, and quickly published The Foes of Our Own Household, an indictment of the sitting president.[281][282][283] Roosevelt's youngest son, Quentin, a pilot with the American forces in France, was killed when shot down behind German lines on July 14, 1918, at the age of 20. It is said that Quentin's death distressed Roosevelt so much that he never recovered from his loss.[284]
League of Nations
Roosevelt was an early supporter of the modern view that there needs to be a global order. In his Nobel prize address of 1910, he said, "it would be a master stroke if those great Powers honestly bent on peace would form a League of Peace, not only to keep the peace among themselves, but to prevent, by force if necessary, its being broken by others."[285] It would have executive power such as the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 lacked. He called for American participation.
When World War I broke out, Roosevelt proposed "a World League for the Peace of Righteousness", in September 1914, which would preserve sovereignty but limit armaments and require arbitration. He added that it should be "solemnly covenanted that if any nations refused to abide by the decisions of such a court, then others draw the sword in behalf of peace and justice."[286][287] In 1915 he outlined this plan more specifically, urging that nations guarantee their entire military force, if necessary, against any nation that refused to carry out arbitration decrees or violated rights of other nations. Though Roosevelt had some concerns about the impact on United States sovereignty, he insisted that such a league would only work if the United States participated as one of the "joint guarantors".[288] Roosevelt referred to this plan in a 1918 speech as "the most feasible for...a league of nations".[289][290] By this time Wilson was strongly hostile to Roosevelt and Lodge and developed his own plans for a rather different League of Nations. It became reality along Wilson's lines at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. Roosevelt denounced Wilson's approach but died before it was adopted at Paris. However, Lodge was willing to accept it with serious reservations. In the end, on March 19, 1920, Wilson had Democratic Senators vote against the League with the Lodge Reservations and the United States never joined the League of Nations.[291]
Final political activities
Roosevelt's attacks on Wilson helped the Republicans win control of Congress in the midterm elections of 1918. He declined a request from New York Republicans to run for another gubernatorial term, but attacked Wilson's Fourteen Points, calling instead for the unconditional surrender of Germany. Though his health was uncertain, he was seen as a leading contender for the 1920 Republican nomination, but insisted that, "If they take me, they'll have to take me without a single modification of the things that I have always stood for!" [292] He wrote William Allen White, "I wish to do everything in my power to make the Republican Party the Party of sane, constructive radicalism, just as it was under Lincoln." Accordingly, he told the 1918 state convention of the Maine Republican Party that he stood for old-age pensions, insurance for sickness and unemployment, construction of public housing for low-income families, the reduction of working hours, aid to farmers, and more regulation of large corporations.[292]
While his political profile remained high, Roosevelt's physical condition continued to deteriorate throughout 1918 due to the long-term effects of jungle diseases. He was hospitalized for seven weeks late in the year and never fully recovered.[293]
الوفاة
On the night of January 5, 1919, Roosevelt suffered breathing problems. After receiving treatment from his physician, George W. Faller, he felt better and went to bed. Roosevelt's last words were "Please put out that light, James" to his family servant James E. Amos. Between 4:00 and 4:15 the next morning, Roosevelt died at the age of 60 in his sleep at Sagamore Hill after a blood clot detached from a vein and traveled to his lungs.[270]
Upon receiving word of his death, his son Archibald telegraphed his siblings: "The old lion is dead."[284] Woodrow Wilson's vice president, Thomas R. Marshall, said that "Death had to take Roosevelt sleeping, for if he had been awake, there would have been a fight."[294] Following a private farewell service in the North Room at Sagamore Hill, a simple funeral was held at Christ Episcopal Church in Oyster Bay.[295] Vice President Thomas R. Marshall, Charles Evans Hughes, Warren G. Harding, Henry Cabot Lodge, and William Howard Taft were among the mourners.[295] The snow-covered procession route to Youngs Memorial Cemetery was lined with spectators and a squad of mounted policemen who had ridden from New York City.[296] Roosevelt was buried on a hillside overlooking Oyster Bay.[297]
حصل على جائزة نوبل للسلام على دوره في الوساطة لإنهاء الحرب الروسية اليابانية عام 1905.
Writer
هل لديك مشكلة في تشغيل هذا الملف؟ انظر مساعدة الوسائط.
Roosevelt was a prolific author, writing with passion on subjects ranging from foreign policy to the importance of the national park system. Roosevelt was also an avid reader of poetry. Poet Robert Frost said that Roosevelt "was our kind. He quoted poetry to me. He knew poetry."[298]
As an editor of The Outlook, Roosevelt had weekly access to a large, educated national audience. In all, Roosevelt wrote about 18 books (each in several editions), including his autobiography,[299] The Rough Riders,[300] History of the Naval War of 1812,[301] and others on subjects such as ranching, explorations, and wildlife. His most ambitious book was the four-volume narrative The Winning of the West, focused on the American frontier in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Roosevelt said that the American character—indeed a new "American race" (ethnic group) had emerged from the heroic wilderness hunters and Indian fighters, acting on the frontier with little government help.[302] Roosevelt also published an account of his 1909–1910 African expedition entitled African Game Trails.
In 1905, Roosevelt became embroiled in a widely publicized literary debate known as the nature fakers controversy. A few years earlier, naturalist John Burroughs had published an article entitled "Real and Sham Natural History" in the Atlantic Monthly, attacking popular writers of the day such as Ernest Thompson Seton, Charles G. D. Roberts, and William J. Long for their fantastical representations of wildlife. Roosevelt agreed with Burroughs's criticisms and published several essays of his own denouncing the booming genre of "naturalistic" animal stories as "yellow journalism of the woods". It was the President himself who popularized the negative term "nature faker" to describe writers who depicted their animal characters with excessive anthropomorphism.[303]
Character and beliefs
Roosevelt intensely disliked being called "Teddy", despite the widespread public association with said moniker, and was quick to point out this to those who referred to him as such, though it would become widely used by newspapers during his political career.
He was an active Freemason[304] and member of the Sons of the American Revolution.[305] He was also a member of The Explorers Club.[306]
British scholar Marcus Cunliffe evaluates the liberal argument that Roosevelt was an opportunist, exhibitionist, and imperialist. Cunliffe praises Roosevelt's versatility, his respect for law, and his sincerity. He argues that Roosevelt's foreign policy was better than his detractors allege. Cunliffe calls him "a big man in several respects," ranking him below Washington, Lincoln, and Jefferson, and on the same level as Franklin D. Roosevelt.[307]
Strenuous life
Roosevelt had a lifelong interest in pursuing what he called, in an 1899 speech, "The Strenuous Life". To this end, he exercised regularly and took up boxing, tennis, hiking, rowing, polo, and horseback riding. He also continued his habit of skinny-dipping in the Potomac River during the winter.[308][309] As governor of New York, he boxed with sparring partners several times each week, a practice he regularly continued as president until being hit so hard in the face he became blind in his left eye (a fact not made public until many years later). As president, he practiced judo for two 2-month periods in 1902 and 1904, not attaining any rank.[310] Roosevelt began to believe in the utility of jiu-jitsu training after training with Yoshitsugu Yamashita. Concerned that the United States would lose its military supremacy to rising powers like Japan, Roosevelt began to advocate for jiu-jitsu training for American soldiers.[311] Feminists annoyed by the posturing of men like Roosevelt, insisted that women were just as capable of learning jiu-jitsu. To prove their point, Martha Blow Wadsworth and Maria Louise ("Hallie") Davis Elkins hired Fude Yamashita, a highly skilled jiu-jitsu instructor and the wife of Yoshitsugu Yamashita, to teach a jiu-jitsu class for women and girls in Washington, D.C., in 1904. Women had already begun training in boxing in the United States as a means of personal and political empowerment. Jiu-jitsu training thus soon also became popular with American women, coinciding with the origins of a women's self-defense movement.[312]
Roosevelt was an enthusiastic singlestick player and, according to Harper's Weekly, showed up at a White House reception with his arm bandaged after a bout with General Leonard Wood in 1905.[313] Roosevelt was an avid reader, reading tens of thousands of books, at a rate of several per day in multiple languages. Along with Thomas Jefferson, Roosevelt was the most well-read of all American presidents.[314]
Warrior
Historians have often emphasized Roosevelt's warrior persona.[315] He took aggressive positions regarding war with Spain in 1898, Colombia in 1903,[316] and especially with Germany, from 1915 to 1917. As a demonstration of American naval might, he sent the "Great White Fleet" around the world in 1907–1909.[317] The implicit threat of the "big stick" of military power provided leverage to "speak softly" and quietly resolve conflict in numerous cases.[318] He boasted in his autobiography:
When I left the Presidency I finished seven and a half years of administration, during which not one shot had been fired against a foreign foe. We were at absolute peace, and there was no nation in the world with whom a war cloud threatened, no nation in the world whom we had wronged, or from whom we had anything to fear. The cruise of the battle fleet was not the least of the causes which ensured so peaceful an outlook.[319]
Richard D. White Jr states, "Roosevelt's warrior spirit framed his views of national politics, [and] international relations."[320]
Historian Howard K. Beale has argued:
He and his associates came close to seeking war for its own sake. Ignorant of modern war, Roosevelt romanticized war. ... Like many young men tamed by civilization into law-abiding but adventurous living, he needed an outlet for the pent-up primordial man in him and found it in fighting and killing, vicariously or directly, in hunting or in war. Indeed he had a fairly good time in war when war came. ... There was something dull and effeminate about peace. ... He gloried in war, was thrilled by military history, and placed warlike qualities high in his scale of values. Without consciously desiring it, he thought a little war now and then stimulated admirable qualities in men. Certainly preparedness for war did.[321]
Religion
Roosevelt attended church regularly and was a lifelong adherent of the Reformed Church in America, the American affiliate of the Dutch Reformed Church. He often praised moral behavior but apparently never made a spiritual confession of his own faith. After the 1885 death of his wife, he almost never mentioned Jesus Christ in public or private. Benjamin J. Wetzel says, "There is little in Roosevelt suggestive of grace, mercy, or redemption."[322][323] His rejection of dogma and spirituality, says biographer William Harbaugh, led to a broad tolerance. He campaigned among Protestants, Catholics and Jews, and appointed them to office. He was suspicious of Mormons until they renounced polygamy.[324]
In 1907, concerning the proposed motto "In God We Trust" on money, he wrote, "It seems to me eminently unwise to cheapen such a motto by use on coins, just as it would be to cheapen it by use on postage stamps, or in advertisements." Roosevelt talked a great deal about religion. Biographer Edmund Morris states:
When consoling bereaved people, he would awkwardly invoke 'unseen and unknown powers.' Aside from a few clichés of Protestant rhetoric, the gospel he preached had always been political and pragmatic. He was inspired less by the Passion of Christ than by the Golden Rule—that appeal to reason amounting, in his mind, to a worldly rather than heavenly law.[325]
Roosevelt publicly encouraged church attendance and was a conscientious churchgoer himself. When gas rationing was introduced during the First World War, he walked the three miles from his home at Sagamore Hill to the local church and back, even after a serious operation had made it difficult for him to travel by foot.[326] It was said that Roosevelt "allowed no engagement to keep him from going to church," and he remained a fervent advocate of the Bible throughout his adult life.[327] According to Christian F. Reisner, "Religion was as natural to Mr. Roosevelt as breathing,"[328] and when the travel library for Roosevelt's famous Smithsonian-sponsored African expedition was being assembled, the Bible was, according to his sister, "the first book selected".[329] In an address delivered to the Long Island Bible Society in 1901, Roosevelt declared that:
Every thinking man, when he thinks, realizes what a very large number of people tend to forget, that the teachings of the Bible are so interwoven and entwined with our whole civic and social life that it would be literally—I do not mean figuratively, I mean literally—impossible for us to figure to ourselves what that life would be if these teachings were removed. We would lose almost all the standards by which we now judge both public and private morals; all the standards toward which we, with more or less of resolution, strive to raise ourselves. Almost every man who has by his lifework added to the sum of human achievement of which the race is proud, has based his lifework largely upon the teachings of the Bible ... Among the greatest men a disproportionately large number have been diligent and close students of the Bible at first hand.[329]
Political positions
When he assumed the presidency, Roosevelt reassured many conservatives, stating that "the mechanism of modern business is so delicate that extreme care must be taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance."[330] The following year, Roosevelt asserted the president's independence from business interests by opposing the merger which created the Northern Securities Company, and many were surprised that any president, much less an unelected one, would challenge powerful banker J.P. Morgan.[331] In his last two years as president, Roosevelt became increasingly distrustful of big business, despite its close ties to the Republican Party.[332] Roosevelt sought to replace the 19th-century laissez-faire economic environment with a new economic model which included a larger regulatory role for the federal government. He believed that 19th-century entrepreneurs had risked their fortunes on innovations and new businesses, and that these capitalists had been rightly rewarded. By contrast, he believed that 20th-century capitalists risked little but nonetheless reaped huge and, given the lack of risk, unjust, economic rewards. Without a redistribution of wealth away from the upper class, Roosevelt feared that the country would turn to radicals or fall to revolution.[333] His Square Deal domestic program had three main goals: conservation of natural resources, control of corporations, and consumer protection.[334] The Square Deal evolved into his program of "New Nationalism", which emphasized the priority of labor over capital interests and a need to more effectively control corporate creation and combination, and proposed a ban on corporate political contributions.[206]
Foreign policy beliefs
In the analysis by Henry Kissinger, Roosevelt was the first president to develop the guideline that it was the duty of the United States to make its enormous power and potential influence felt globally. The idea of being a passive "city on the hill" model that others could look up to, he rejected. Roosevelt, trained in biology, was a social Darwinist who believed in survival of the fittest. The international world in his view was a realm of violence and conflict. The United States had all the economic and geographical potential to be the fittest nation on the globe.[335] The United States had a duty to act decisively. For example, in terms of the Monroe Doctrine, America had to prevent European incursions in the Western Hemisphere. But there was more, as he expressed in his famous Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine: the U.S. had to be the policeman of the region because unruly, corrupt smaller nations had to be controlled, and if United States did not do it, European powers would in fact intervene and develop their own base of power in the hemisphere in contravention to the Monroe Doctrine.[336]
Roosevelt was a realist and a conservative.[337] He deplored many of the increasingly popular idealistic liberal themes, such as were promoted by William Jennings Bryan, the anti-imperialists, and Woodrow Wilson. Kissinger says he rejected the efficacy of international law. Roosevelt argued that if a country could not protect its own interests, the international community could not help very much. He ridiculed disarmament proposals that were increasingly common. He saw no likelihood of an international power capable of checking wrongdoing on a major scale. As for world government:
I regard the Wilson–Bryan attitude of trusting to fantastic peace treaties, too impossible promises, to all kinds of scraps of paper without any backing in efficient force, as abhorrent. It is infinitely better for a nation and for the world to have the Frederick the Great and Bismarck tradition as regards foreign policy than to have the Bryan or Bryan–Wilson attitude as a permanent national attitude.... A milk-and-water righteousness unbacked by force is...as wicked as and even more mischievous than force divorced from righteousness.[338]
On his international outlook, Roosevelt favored spheres of influence, whereby one great power would generally prevail, such as the United States in the Western Hemisphere or Great Britain in the Indian subcontinent. Japan fit that role and he approved. However, he had deep distrust of both Germany and Russia.[339]
دوره بالفلبين
زيارتاه لمصر
زار روزفلت مصر مرتان. الأولي كصبي برفقة ذويه عام 1872. والثانية عام 1909 مباشرة في أعقاب انتهاء مدة رئاسته الثانية.
الزيارة الأولى
زار مع عائلته مصر وفلسطين في شتاء 1872-1873. وقد تسلق قمم الأهرامات الثلاثة.
الزيارة الثانية لمصر في مايو 1910
وقد أتت الزيارة في أعقاب جولة صيد في أفريقيا (استغرقت شهرين) وقبل الذهاب إلى أوروبا. وقد ألقى خطاباً في نادي الضباط المصريين. ولما أتت زيارته في أعقاب اغتيال بطرس غالي، فقد حمل في خطابه على التطرف الديني الذي اتهمه بأنه السبب وراء الإغتيال وليست العمالة للإنجليز (كما اتضح لاحقاً في الإغتيال المتزامن للهلباوي باشا قاضي محكمة دنشواي).
عداؤه لجون بيرمونت مورجان
عداء روزفلت لرجل المال الكبير جون پيرپونت مورگان صار مضرباً للأمثال حتى يومنا هذا. وقد أسهم هذا العداء في تشكيل سياسات مكافحة الإحتكار في الأسواق المالية.
الشخصية والمعتقدات
ذكراه
Historians credit Roosevelt for changing the nation's political system by permanently placing the "bully pulpit" of the presidency at center stage and making character as important as the issues. His accomplishments include trust busting and conservationism. He is a hero to liberals and progressives for his proposals in 1907–1912 that presaged the modern welfare state of the New Deal Era, including direct federal taxation, labor reforms, and more direct democracy, while conservationists admire Roosevelt for putting the environment and selflessness towards future generations on the national agenda, and conservatives and nationalists respect his commitment to law and order, civic duty, and military values, as well as his personality of individual self-responsibility and hardiness. Dalton says, "Today he is heralded as the architect of the modern presidency, as a world leader who boldly reshaped the office to meet the needs of the new century and redefined America's place in the world."[340]
Liberals and socialists have also criticized him for his interventionist and imperialist approach to nations he considered "uncivilized". Conservatives and libertarians reject his vision of the welfare state and emphasis on the superiority of government over private action. Historians typically rank Roosevelt among the top five presidents in American history.[341][342]
In his memoirs, future president Harry S. Truman paid tribute to Roosevelt's contributions to liberalism in the United States while lambasting his successor William Howard Taft, writing that "Teddy had been far to the left for a Republican-but sill right of center as far as the Democrats were concerned-and had put into effect a lot of liberal ideas such as conservation of natural resources and the checking of 'malefactors of great wealth.' Taft was an ultra-conservative and partial to the special interests. He was not willing to use the full power of the presidency."[343]
Persona and masculinity
Dalton says Roosevelt is remembered as "one of the most picturesque personalities who has ever enlivened the landscape".[344] His friend, historian Henry Adams, proclaimed: "Roosevelt, more than any other man... showed the singular primitive quality that belongs to ultimate matter—the quality that medieval theology assigned to God—he was pure act."[345]
Roosevelt's biographers have stressed his personality. Henry F. Pringle, who won the Pulitzer Prize in biography for his Theodore Roosevelt (1931) stated: "The Theodore Roosevelt of later years was the most adolescent of men... Failure to receive the Medal of Honor for his exploits [in Cuba] had been a grief as real as any of those which swamp childhood in despair. 'You must always remember,' wrote Cecil Spring Rice in 1904, 'that the President is about six.'"[346]
Cooper compared him with Woodrow Wilson and argued that both of them played the roles of warrior and priest.[347] Dalton stressed Roosevelt's strenuous life.[348] Sarah Watts examined the desires of the "Rough Rider in the White House".[349] Brands calls Roosevelt "the last romantic", arguing that his romantic concept of life emerged from his belief that "physical bravery was the highest virtue and war the ultimate test of bravery".[350]
Roosevelt as the exemplar of American masculinity has become a major theme.[351][352] As president, he repeatedly warned men that they were becoming too office-bound, too complacent, too comfortable with physical ease and moral laxity, and were failing in their duties to propagate the race and exhibit masculine vigor.[353] French historian Serge Ricard says, "the ebullient apostle of the Strenuous Life offers ideal material for a detailed psycho-historical analysis of aggressive manhood in the changing socio-cultural environment of his era; McKinley, Taft, or Wilson would perhaps inadequately serve that purpose".[354] He promoted competitive sports like boxing and jiu-jitsu for physically strengthening American men.[311] He also believed that organizations like the Boy Scouts of America, founded in 1910, could help mold and strengthen the character of American boys.[355] Brands shows that heroic displays of bravery were essential to Roosevelt's image and mission:
What makes the hero a hero is the romantic notion that he stands above the tawdry give and take of everyday politics, occupying an ethereal realm where partisanship gives way to patriotism, and division to unity, and where the nation regains its lost innocence, and the people their shared sense of purpose.[356]
In 1902, French artist Théobald Chartran was commissioned to paint Roosevelt's likeness for his presidential portrait.[357][358] Roosevelt reportedly hid the portrait in a closet before having it destroyed because it made him look weak, like a "meek kitten".[357] In a letter to his son Kermit Roosevelt, the elder Roosevelt plainly stated, "Chartran has been painting my picture. I do not particularly like it."[359] John Singer Sargent was instead chosen by Roosevelt to paint his portrait.[357]
Relations with Andrew Carnegie
According to David Nasaw, after 1898, when the United States entered a war with Spain, industrialist Andrew Carnegie increasingly devoted his energy to supporting pacifism. He sold his steel company and now had the time and the dollars to make an impact. Carnegie strongly opposed the war with Spain and the subsequent imperialistic American takeover of the Philippines. When Roosevelt became president in 1901, Carnegie and Roosevelt were in frequent contact. They exchanged letters, communicated through mutual friends such as Secretary of State John Hay, and met in person. Carnegie offered a steady stream of advice on foreign policy, especially on arbitration. Carnegie hoped that Roosevelt would turn the Philippines free, not realizing he was more of an imperialist and believer in warrior virtues than President McKinley had been. He saluted Roosevelt for forcing Germany and Britain to arbitrate their conflict with Venezuela in 1903, and especially for becoming the mediator who negotiated an end to the war between Russia and Japan in 1907–1908. Roosevelt relied on Carnegie for financing his expedition to Africa in 1909. In return he asked the ex-president to mediate the growing conflict between the two cousins who ruled Britain and Germany. Roosevelt started to do so but the scheme collapsed when king Edward VII suddenly died.[360][361] Nasaw argues that Roosevelt systematically deceived and manipulated Carnegie and held the elderly man in contempt. Nasaw quotes a private letter Roosevelt wrote to Whitelaw Reid in 1905:[362]
[I have] tried hard to like Carnegie, but it is pretty difficult. There is no type of man for whom I feel a more contemptuous abhorrence than for the one who makes a God of mere money-making and at the same time is always yelling out that kind of utterly stupid condemnation of war which in almost every case springs from a combination of defective physical courage, of unmanly shrinking from pain and effort, and of hopelessly twisted ideals. All the suffering from Spanish war comes far short of the suffering, preventable and non-preventable, among the operators of the Carnegie steel works, and among the small investors, during the time that Carnegie was making his fortune....It is as noxious folly to denounce war per se as it is to denounce business per se. Unrighteous war is a hideous evil; but I am not at all sure that it is worse evil than business unrighteousness.
Memorials and cultural depictions
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Roosevelt was included with Presidents George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and Abraham Lincoln at the Mount Rushmore Memorial, designed in 1927 with the approval of Republican President Calvin Coolidge.[363][364]
For his gallantry at San Juan Hill, Roosevelt's commanders recommended him for the Medal of Honor. However, the initial recommendation lacked any eyewitnesses, and the effort was eventually tainted by Roosevelt's own lobbying of the War Department.[365] In the late 1990s, Roosevelt's supporters again recommended the award, which was denied by the Secretary of the Army on basis that the decorations board determined "Roosevelt's bravery in battle did not rise to the level that would justify the Medal of Honor and, indeed, it did not rise to the level of men who fought in that engagement."[366] Nevertheless, politicians apparently convinced the secretary to reconsider the award a third time and reverse himself, leading to the charge that it was a "politically motivated award".[367] On January 16, 2001, President Bill Clinton awarded Theodore Roosevelt the Medal of Honor posthumously for his charge on San Juan Hill.[368] He is the only president to have received the Medal of Honor.[369]
The United States Navy named two ships for Roosevelt: the يوإسإس Theodore Roosevelt (SSBN-600), a submarine that was in commission from 1961 to 1982, and the يوإسإس Theodore Roosevelt (CVN-71), an aircraft carrier that has been on active duty in the Atlantic Fleet since 1986.
On November 18, 1956, the United States Postal Service released a 6¢ Liberty Issue postage stamp honoring Roosevelt. A 32¢ stamp was issued on February 3, 1998, as part of the Celebrate the Century stamp sheet series.[370] In 2008, Columbia Law School awarded Roosevelt a Juris Doctor degree, posthumously making him a member of the class of 1882.[371]
Roosevelt's "Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick" ideology is still quoted by politicians and columnists in different countries—not only in English, but also in translations to various other languages.[372] Another lasting, popular legacy of Roosevelt is the stuffed toy bears—teddy bears—named after him following an incident on a hunting trip in Mississippi in 1902.[373]
Roosevelt has been portrayed in films and television series such as Brighty of the Grand Canyon, The Wind and the Lion, Rough Riders, My Friend Flicka,[374] and Law of the Plainsman.[375] Robin Williams portrayed Roosevelt in the form of a wax mannequin that comes to life in Night at the Museum and its sequels Night at the Museum: Battle of the Smithsonian and Night at the Museum: Secret of the Tomb.[376][377][378] Additionally, Roosevelt appears as the leader of the American civilization in the 2016 Firaxis Games-developed video game Civilization VI.[379]
Theodore Roosevelt National Park in the state of North Dakota is named after him.[380] The America the Beautiful Quarters series features Roosevelt riding a horse on the national park's quarter.
Asteroid 188693 Roosevelt, discovered by astronomers with the Catalina Sky Survey in 2005, was named after him.[381] The official naming citation was published by the Minor Planet Center on November 8, 2019 (M.P.C. 118221).[382] Robert Peary named the Roosevelt Range and Roosevelt Land after him.[383]
For 80 years, an equestrian statue of the former president, sitting above a Native American and an African American, stood in front of New York's American Museum of Natural History. In January 2022, after years of lobbying by activists, the statue was removed. Museum president Ellen V. Futter said the decision did not reflect a judgment about Roosevelt but was driven by the sculpture's "hierarchical composition".[384][385]
مأثورات
طبيعته المحبة للحرب
- "عدم انتصار السلام يناظر في خطورته الانتصارات الكبرى للحروب."
- "تكلم برفق، واحمل عصا غليظة." (في إشارة لسياسته التوسعية البحرية.)
في السياسة الخارجية and the Roosevelt Corollary in particular
- "Chronic wrongdoing may require intervention by some civilised nation."
- "I have as much desire to annexe San Domingo as a gorged Boa Constrictor might have to swallow a porcupine wrong end to!"
اعتقاده بتفوق العرق الأبيض
- "Civilised man can only keep the peace by subduing his barbarian neighbour."
- "Their life was only a few degrees less meaningless, squalid and ferocious than that of wild animals." (Justifying his role in slaughtering Indians in South Dakota.)
مأثورات من معاصريه
- "He has no more use for a constitution than a tom-cat for a marriage licence."
تسجيلات
كان ثيودور روزڤلت من أول الرؤساء الذين تم تسجيل صوتهم للأجيال القادمة. لا تزال الكثير من خطاباته المسجلة باقية.[386]
Parade for the school children of San Francisco, down Van Ness Avenue
مجموعة تسجيلات مرئية لروزڤلت.
- Roosevelt goes for a ride in Arch Hoxsey's plane in October 1910 – the first flight by a (then-former) U.S. president
الهامش والمصادر
المصادر
- ^ حتى اقرار التعديل الخامس والعشرين في الدستور الأمريكي في 1967، لم تكن هناك مادة بالدستور لملء منصب نائب الرئيس إذا شغر خلال الفترة الرئاسية. Find Law for Legal Professionals - U.S. Constitution: Twenty-Fifth Amendment - Annotations
- ^ His last name is, according to Roosevelt himself, "pronounced as if it was spelled 'Rosavelt.' That is in three syllables. The first syllable as if it was 'Rose.'" Hart, Albert B. (1989). "Theodore Roosevelt Cyclopedia" (CD-ROM). Theodore Roosevelt Association. pp. 534–535. Retrieved June 10, 2007.
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An Audio recording[dead link] in which Roosevelt pronounces his own last name distinctly. To listen at the correct speed, slow the recording down by 20%. Retrieved on July 12, 2007."How to Pronounce Theodore Roosevelt". Retrieved June 10, 2007. - ^ Douglas Brinkley "TR's Wild Side," American Heritage, Fall 2009.
- ^ Robert K. Murray and Tim H. Blessing (2004). Greatness in White House. Pennsylvania State U.P. pp. 8–9, 15. ISBN 9780271024868.
- ^ "Mount Rushmore National Memorial". mountrushmoreinfo.com. December 6, 2005.60. Retrieved April 7, 2006.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ McCullough 1981, pp. 93–108.
- ^ Putnam 1958, pp. 23–27.
- ^ TR's Legacy — The Environment, PBS, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/tr/envir.html, retrieved on March 6, 2006.
- ^ روزفلت 1913, p. 13.
- ^ Putnam 1958, pp. 63–70.
- ^ Thayer 1919, p. 20.
- ^ Arnaldo Testi, "The gender of reform politics: Theodore Roosevelt and the culture of masculinity." Journal of American History 81.4 (1995): 1509–1533. online Archived أكتوبر 25, 2019 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Beschloss, Michael (May 21, 2014), "When T.R. Saw Lincoln", New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/22/upshot/when-tr-saw-lincoln.html, retrieved on January 6, 2019.
- ^ "Topics in History: Teddy Roosevelt". home / school / life. Archived from the original on August 14, 2021. Retrieved April 4, 2021.
- ^ Brands (1998). T.R.: The Last Romantic. Basic Books. p. 49. ISBN 978-0-465-06959-0. Archived from the original on April 15, 2017. Retrieved April 15, 2017.
- ^ Kohn, Edward P. (2013). Heir to the Empire City: New York and the Making of Theodore Roosevelt. Basic Books. p. 26. ISBN 978-0-465-06975-0. Archived from the original on April 15, 2017. Retrieved April 15, 2017.
- ^ Miller 1992, pp. 80–82.
- ^ McCullough, David (1982). Mornings on Horseback: The Story of an Extraordinary Family, a Vanished Way of Life and the Unique Child Who Became Theodore Roosevelt. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-6714-4754-0.
- ^ Brands 1997, p. 62.
- ^ Clark, Suzanne (2000). Cold Warriors: Manliness on Trial in the Rhetoric of the West. SIU Press. ISBN 978-0-8093-2302-9. Archived from the original on November 19, 2016. Retrieved October 4, 2016.
- ^ Pringle, Henry F. (1931). Theodore Roosevelt. p. 27.
- ^ Bulik, Mark (July 18, 2014). "First Glimpses: 1878: Theodore Roosevelt Inherits a Fortune". The New York Times. Archived from the original on December 22, 2020. Retrieved December 22, 2020.
- ^ Brands 1997, pp. 110–212, 123–133. quote p. 126.
- ^ Brands 1997, pp. 110–112, 123–133. quote p. 126.
- ^ Roosevelt 1913, p. 35.
- ^ Morris 1979, p. 565.
- ^ Crawford, Michael J. (April 2002). "The Lasting Influence of Theodore Roosevelt's Naval War of 1812" (PDF). International Journal of Naval History. 1 (1). Archived from the original (PDF) on July 13, 2018. Retrieved October 6, 2017.
- ^ Karsten, Peter (1971). "The Nature of "Influence": Roosevelt, Mahan and the Concept of Sea Power". American Quarterly. 23 (4): 585–600. doi:10.2307/2711707. JSTOR 2711707.
- ^ Richard W. Turk, The Ambiguous Relationship: Theodore Roosevelt and Alfred Thayer Mahan (1987) online Archived يونيو 11, 2016 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Carl Cavanagh Hodge, "The Global Strategist: The Navy as the Nation's Big Stick", in Serge Ricard, ed., A Companion to Theodore Roosevelt (2011) pp. 257–273
- ^ Stephen G. Rabe, Theodore Roosevelt, the Panama Canal, and the Roosevelt Corollary: Sphere of Influence Diplomacy, in Ricard, ed., A Companion to Theodore Roosevelt (2011) pp. 274–292.
- ^ "TR Center – ImageViewer". Archived from the original on February 25, 2017. Retrieved February 25, 2017.
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- ^ Miller 1992, pp. 154–158.
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- ^ أ ب Edward P. Kohn, "Theodore Roosevelt's Early Political Career: The Making of an Independent Republican and Urban Progressive" in Ricard, A Companion to Theodore Roosevelt (2011) pp: 27–44.
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- ^ "Mr Sheard to be Speaker", The New York Times, January 1, 1884, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1884/01/01/106134466.pdf, retrieved on June 13, 2018.
- ^ Miller 1992, p. 153.
- ^ Edward P. Kohn, قالب:"-'A Most Revolting State of Affairs': Theodore Roosevelt's Aldermanic Bill and the New York Assembly City Investigating Committee of 1884", American Nineteenth Century History (2009) 10#1 pp: 71–92.
- ^ Putnam 1958, pp. 413–424.
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- ^ "Theodore Roosevelt the Rancher – Theodore Roosevelt National Park (U.S. National Park Service)". National Park Service. Archived from the original on April 16, 2021. Retrieved April 4, 2021.
- ^ "Theodore Roosevelt the Rancher". Theodore Roosevelt National Park, North Dakota. National Park Service. Archived from the original on September 2, 2019. Retrieved November 27, 2019.
- ^ Brands 1997, p. 182.
- ^ Roosevelt, Theodore (1902). Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail. Century. pp. 55–56. ISBN 978-0-486-47340-6. Archived from the original on April 7, 2015. Retrieved October 17, 2015.
- ^ Morrisey, Will (2009). The Dilemma of Progressivism: How Roosevelt, Taft, and Wilson Reshaped the American Regime of Self-Government. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 41. ISBN 978-0-7425-6618-7. Archived from the original on April 6, 2015. Retrieved October 17, 2015.
- ^ Brands 1997, p. 191.
- ^ Brands 1997, p. 189.
- ^ Theodore Roosevelt National Park , "Roosevelt Pursues the Boat Thieves" online
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- ^ "Theodore Roosevelt the Rancher". nps.gov. National Park Service. Archived from the original on February 8, 2015. Retrieved January 13, 2015.
The blow proved disastrous for Roosevelt, who lost over half of his $80,000 investment, the equivalent of approximately $1.7 million today.
- ^ Miller 1992, pp. 163–164.
- ^ Catherine Forslund, "Edith Kermit Carow Roosevelt: The Victorian Modern First Lady" in A Companion to First Ladies (2016): 298–319.
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- ^ Rice, Sir Cecil Spring (1929), Gwynn, S, ed., The Letters and Friendships, London: Constable & Co, p. 121.
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- ^ Edward P. Kohn, "A necessary defeat: theodore roosevelt and the New York mayoral election of 1886." New York History 87.2 (2006): 204–227 online.
- ^ Sharp, Arthur G. (2011). The Everything Theodore Roosevelt Book: The Extraordinary Life of an American Icon. Adams Media. pp. 78–79. ISBN 978-1-4405-2729-6. Archived from the original on April 7, 2015. Retrieved October 17, 2015.
- ^ Miller 1992, pp. 183–185.
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- ^ Thayer, ch. VI, pp. 1–2.
- ^ أ ب Bishop, Theodore Roosevelt and His Time Book I, pg 51. Books.google.com. July 18, 2007. Retrieved September 14, 2010.
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- ^ Brands p. 265-268.
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- ^ Brands, p.277
- ^ Brands p. 293.
- ^ Cartoon of the Day explanation, Robert C. Kennedy, Harper's Weekly, September 6, 1902
- ^ David Lemelin, "Theodore Roosevelt as Assistant Secretary of the Navy: Preparing America for the World Stage," History Matters (2011) pp 13-34.
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- ^ Peggy Samuels (1997). Teddy Roosevelt at San Juan: The Making of a President. Texas A&M UP.
- ^ Roosevelt, Theodore (1898). The Rough Riders, Chapter III, p. 2. Bartleby.com.
- ^ Morris, The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt pp 674-87
- ^ G. Wallace Chessman, Governor Theodore Roosevelt: The Albany Apprenticeship, 1898-1900 (1965) p 6
- ^ Miller 1992, pp. 333–334, 338.
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- ^ Chessman, G Wallace (1952), "Theodore Roosevelt's Campaign Against the Vice-Presidency", Historian 14 (2): 173–190, doi:.
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- ^ أ ب خطأ استشهاد: وسم
<ref>غير صحيح؛ لا نص تم توفيره للمراجع المسماةMiller - ^ Brands pp.422-423.
- ^ أ ب ت Ruddy 2016.
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- ^ Executing the Constitution: Putting the President Back Into the Constitution. State University of New York Press. 2006. p. 53. ISBN 978-0-7914-8190-5. Archived from the original on November 19, 2016. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
- ^ أ ب ت Dodds, Graham (2013). Take up Your Pen. University of Pennsylvania. p. 144. ISBN 978-0-8122-4511-0.
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- ^ "Executive Orders". UCSB. Archived from the original on August 20, 2016. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 495–496
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- ^ Roosevelt to William Henry Moody, September 21, 1907, in Elting E. Morison, ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (1952) 5:802.
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- ^ Kissinger, pp. 41–42
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- ^ Chambers 1974, p. 219.
- ^ Leroy G. Dorsey, "Preaching Morality in Modern America: Theodore Roosevelt's Rhetorical Progressivism." in Rhetoric and Reform in the Progressive Era, A Rhetorical History of the United States: Significant Moments in American Public Discourse, ed. J. Michael Hogan, (Michigan State University Press, 2003), vol 6 pp 49–83.
- ^ Joshua D. Hawley, Theodore Roosevelt: Preacher of Righteousness (2008), p. xvii. excerpt. Josh Hawley in 2019 became a Republican senator with intense moralistic rhetoric.
- ^ See also The Independent (February 6, 1908) p. 274 online
- ^ Roosevelt, "Special message to Congress, January 31, 1908," in Elting E. Morison, ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (Harvard UP, 1952) vol 5 pp. 1580, 1587; online version at UC Santa Barbara, “The American Presidency Project”
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- ^ Miller 1992, pp. 488–489.
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- ^ "President Roosevelt's African Trip". Science. 28 (729): 876–877. December 18, 1908. Bibcode:1908Sci....28..876.. doi:10.1126/science.28.729.876. JSTOR 1635075. PMID 17743798.
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- ^ O'Toole 2005, p. 67.
- ^ Roosevelt, Theodore (1910). African Game Trails. New York, C. Scribner's sons.
- ^ Miller 1992, p. 505.
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- ^ "The welcome camp-fire built for Theodore Roosevelt by the Camp-fire club of America". Theodore Roosevelt Center. Dickinson State University. Retrieved February 27, 2023.
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- ^ Brands 1997, pp. 665–666.
- ^ Miller 1992, pp. 502–503.
- ^ Stanley D. Solvick, "The Conservative as Progressive: William Howard Taft and the Politics of the Square Deal" Northwest Ohio Quarterly (1967) 39#3 pp. 38–48.
- ^ Roosevelt to George Otto Trevelyan, October 1, 1911, in Albert Bushnell Hart, ed., Theodore Roosevelt Cyclopedia (1941) p. 499.
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- ^ Robert J. Fischer, "Henry Cabot Lodge and the Taft Arbitration Treaties." South Atlantic Quarterly 78 (Spring 1979): 244–58.
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- ^ Norman M. Wilensky, Conservatives in the Progressive Era: The Taft Republicans of 1912 (1965) pp. 61–62.
- ^ George E. Mowry, Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement (1946) pp. 235–239.
- ^ Hoyt Landon Warner, Progressivism in Ohio, 1897–1917 (1964) pp. 354–384.
- ^ Miller 1992, p. 524.
- ^ أ ب Miller 1992, pp. 524–526.
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- ^ Ali, Omar H. (2008). In the Balance of Power: Independent Black Politics and Third-Party Movements in the United States. Ohio UP. pp. 111–112. ISBN 978-0-8214-4288-3.
- ^ Lewis L. Gould, "1912 Republican Convention: Return of the Rough Rider" Smithsonian Magazine August 2008 online
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- ^ Gould, Four Hats pp. 127–128.
- ^ Stacy A. Cordery, Alice: Alice Roosevelt Longworth, from White House princess to Washington power broker (2006) pp. 176–183.
- ^ Allen F. Davis, American Heroine: The Life and Legend of Jane Addams (1973) pp. 185–197.
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- ^ John A. Garraty, Right-Hand Man: The Life of George W. Perkins (1960) pp. 264–284.
- ^ Cannon, Carl M (2003), The Pursuit of Happiness in Times of War, Rowman & Littlefield, p. 142, ISBN 0-7425-2592-9.
- ^ Lincoln, A. (1959). "Theodore Roosevelt, Hiram Johnson, and the Vice-Presidential Nomination of 1912". Pacific Historical Review. 28 (3): 267–283. doi:10.2307/3636471. JSTOR 3636471.
- ^ O'Toole, Patricia (June 25, 2006). "The War of 1912". Time Magazine. Archived from the original on July 3, 2006. Retrieved August 8, 2008.
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- ^ خطأ استشهاد: وسم
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| مناصب سياسية | ||
|---|---|---|
| سبقه فرانك بلاك |
حاكم نيويورك 1899 – 1900 |
تبعه Benjamin B. Odell, Jr. |
| سبقه گارت هوبارت |
نائب رئيس الولايات المتحدة 4 مارس, 1901 – 14 سبتمبر, 1901 |
تبعه تشارلز فيربانكس |
| سبقه وليام مكينلي |
رئيس الولايات المتحدة 14 سبتمبر, 1901– 4 مارس, 1909 |
تبعه وليام هوارد تافت |
| مناصب حزبية | ||
| سبقه گارت هوبارت |
المرشح الجمهوري لمنصب نائب الرئيس 1900 |
تبعه تشارلز فيربانكس |
| سبقه وليام مكنلي |
المرشح الرئاسي للحزب الجمهوري 1904 |
تبعه وليام هوارد تافت |
| حزب جديد | المرشح الرئاسي للحزب التقدمي 1912 |
الحزب تم حله |
| ألقاب فخرية. | ||
| سبقه گروڤر كليڤلاند |
أقدم رئيس أمريكي على قيد الحياة 24 يونيو 1908 – 4 مارس, 1909 |
تبعه وليام هوارد تافت |
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