اليونان الموكنية
| أسماء بديلة | Mycenaean civilization |
|---|---|
| النطاق الجغرافي | Mainland Greece, Aegean islands and Western Anatolia |
| الفترة | العصر البرونزي |
| التواريخ | ح. 1750 – ح. 1050 ق.م. |
| الموقع النمطي | موكناي |
| المواقع الرئيسية | پيلوس، تيرنز، Midea, Orchomenos, Iolcos |
| السمات |
|
| سبقها | الحضارة المينوسية، ثقافة كوراكو، ثقافة تيرنز |
| تلاها | العصور المظلمة اليونانية |
اليونان الموكنية Mycenaean Greece، تشير إلى المرحلة الأخيرة من العصر البرونزي في اليونان القديمة (ح. 1600-1100 ق.م). تمثل أول حضارة متقدمة في البر اليوناني، بدويلاتها الفخمة، تنظيمها الحضاري، الأعمال الفنية ونظم الكتابة.[1] من بين مراكز القوى التي ظهرت، ومن أشهرها تلك التي كانت موجودة في پيلوس، تيرنز، ميديا في المورة، أورخومنوس، طيبة، أثينا في وسط اليونان وإيولكوس في تساليا. وكانت موكناي في أرگوليس من أشهر المواقع، والتي تحمل ثقافة تلك الفترة اسمها. كما ظهرت المستوطنات الموكنية وذات التأثير الموكني في إپيروس،[2][3] مقدونيا،[4][5] على جزر بحر إيجة، على ساحل آسيا الصغرى، بلاد الشام،[6] قبرص[7] وإيطاليا.[8]
انهارت اليونان الموكنية بانهيار ثقافة العصر البرونزي في شرق المتوسط. هناك عدة نظريات مقترحة لنهاية هذه الحضارة، من بينها الغزو الدورياني أو الأنشطة المرتبطة "بشعب البحر". كما اقترحت نظريات إضافية مثل الكوارث الطبيعية وتغيرات المناخ. أصبحت الفترة الموكنية إطاراً تاريخياً للأدب والأساطير اليونانية الأكثر قدماً، ومنها دائرة طراودة الملحمية.[9]
إن ما لدينا من آثار هذه الحضارة أقل من أن يمكننا من أن نصورها في صورة واضحة وضوح الحضارات التي تتكشف عنها خربات كريت أو أشعار هومر. ولكننا نستطيع أن نقول عنها إن الحياة في أرض اليونان القارية كانت أقرب إلى مرحلة الصيد من الحياة في كريت، وإن ما نجده بين بقايا الآثار الميسينية من عظام الظباء، والخنازير البرية، والمعز، والضأن، والأرانب، والثيران، والخنازير - بل عظام السمك والأصداف البحرية - ليدل على أن شهوة الطعام بين أولئك القوم قد وصلت إلى المرحلة التي يصفها لنا هومر، والتي لا تلائم خصر الكريتيين النحيل. وتكشف الآثار في أماكن متفرقة عما بين أساليب الحياة "القديمة" و"الحديثة" من تشابه عجيب، فقد نجد سهاماً من الحجر الزجاجي إلى جانب مثقب برونزي أجوف كان يستعمل في عمل ثقوب في الحجارة للأوتاد.[10]
الهوية
decipherment of the Mycenaean Linear B script, a writing system adapted for the use of the (Indo-European) Greek language of the Late Bronze Age,[11] demonstrated the continuity of Greek speech from the second millennium BC into the eighth century BC when a new Phoenician-derived alphabetic script emerged.[12] Moreover, it revealed that the bearers of Mycenaean culture were ethnically connected with the populations that resided in the Greek peninsula after the end of this cultural period.[13] Finally, the script records the advent of an Indo-European language in the Aegean region in contrast to unrelated prior languages spoken in adjoining areas.[14] Various collective terms for the inhabitants of Mycenaean Greece were used by Homer in his 8th-century BC epic the Iliad in reference to the Trojan War.[15]
Homer interchangeably used the ethnonyms Achaeans, Danaans, and Argives to refer to the besiegers,[15] and these names appear to have passed down from the time they were in use to the time when Homer applied them as collective terms in his Iliad.[16] There is an isolated reference to a-ka-wi-ja-de in the Linear B records in Knossos, Crete dated to ح. 1400 BC, which presumably refers to a Mycenaean (Achaean) state on the Greek mainland.[17]
Egyptian records mention a T(D)-n-j or Danaya (Tanaju) land for the first time ح. 1437 BC, during the reign of Pharaoh Thutmoses III (r. 1479–1425 BC). This land is geographically defined in an inscription from the reign of Amenhotep III (r. ح. 1390–1352 BC), where a number of Danaya cities are mentioned, which cover the largest part of southern mainland Greece.[18] Among them, cities such as Mycenae, Nauplion, and Thebes have been identified with certainty. Danaya has been equated with the ethnonym Danaoi (Greek: Δαναοί), the name of the mythical dynasty that ruled in the region of Argos, also used as an ethnonym for the Greek people by Homer.[18][19]
In the official records of another Bronze Age empire, that of the Hittites in Anatolia, various references from ح. 1400 BC to 1220 BC mention a country named Ahhiyawa.[20][21] Recent scholarship, based on textual evidence, new interpretations of the Hittite inscriptions, and recent surveys of archaeological evidence about Mycenaean–Anatolian contacts during this period, concludes that the term Ahhiyawa must have been used in reference to the Mycenaean world (land of the Achaeans), or at least to a part of it.[22][23] This term may have also had broader connotations in some texts, possibly referring to all regions settled by Mycenaeans or regions under direct Mycenaean political control.[20] Another similar ethnonym, Ekwesh, in twelfth century BC Egyptian inscriptions has been commonly identified with the Ahhiyawans. These Ekwesh were mentioned as a group of the Sea People.[24]
التاريخ
عصر القبر العمودي (ح. 1600–1450 ق.م.)
أما الصناعة، فلم تكن متقدمة تقدمها في كريت، فلسنا نجد في أرض اليونان القارية مراكز صناعية مثل جورنيا، كذلك كان نمو التجارة بطيئاً، لأن البحار كانت عرضة لغارات القراصنة، ومنهم الميسينيون أنفسهم. وكان ملوك ميسيني وتيرينز يستخدمون فنانين كريتيين ليحفروا على الأواني والخواتم، ما كانوا يقومون به من أعمال القرصنة التي يفخرون بها. وكانوا يبنون مدنهم في داخل البلاد ليدفعوا عن أنفسهم شر غيرهم من القراصنة، بعيدة عن البحر بعداً يمكنهم من أن يتقوا الغارات المفاجئة، وقريبة منه قرباً يمكنهم من الإسراع إلى سفنهم. وكان موقع مدينتي تيرينز وميسيني على الطريق الممتد من خليج أرجولي إلى برزح كورنث يمكنهما من فرض إتاوات باهظة على التجار ومن القيام بغارات قرصنة عليهم من حين إلى حين. ولما رأت ميسيني أن كريت قد أثرت من اشتغالها بالتجارة المشروعة، أدركت أن القرصنة، كالضريبة الجمركية وليدتها المتحضرة، قد تخنق التجارة خنقاً وتنشر الفاقة في أوسع نطاق؛ ولذلك أصلحت أمرها وقبلت أن تتطور القرصنة فتصير تجارة. وما وافى عام 1400 حتى بلغ أسطولها التجاري من القوة درجة استطاع بها أن ينازع كريت سلطانها البحري؛ فرفضت أن تنقل بضائع ميسيني الذاهبة إلى أفريقيا عن طريق الجزيرة وأرسلتها إلى مصر مباشرة؛ وقد يكون هذا العمل سبباً أو نتيجة لحرب انتهت بتدمير القلاع الكريتية.
فترة كوينه الموكنية (ح. 1450 ق.م.–1250 ق.م.)
ولم تكن الثروة التي أفادتها البلاد من هذه التجارة مصحوبة بثقافة تتناسب معها، ونستطيع أن نتبينها فيما بقي من الآثار. وتعزو الروايات اليونانية إلى البلاسجيين فضل تعلم الحروف الهجائية من التجار الفينقيين، وقد وجدت في تيرينز وطيبة جرار عليها رموز لم تحل بعد، ولكن لم تكشف قط ألواح من الصلصال، أو نقوض، أو وثائق؛ وأكبر الظن أن ميسيني حين أرادت أن يتعلم أهلها الكتابة استخدمت فيها مواد سريعة العطب، كما فعل الكريتيون في المرحلة الأخيرة من تاريخهم، ولذلك لم يبق شيء من هذه المواد. ونهج الميسينييون في الفن نهج الكريتيين، وقلدوهم فيه بأمانة جعلت علماء الآثار يظنون أنهم كانوا يأتون بكبار الفنانين من كريت، ولكن يرد على هذا بأنه بعد أن اضمحل الفن الكريتي ازدهر فن التصوير أيما ازدهار في أرض اليونان، فترى النقوش التي تزدان بها أطراف الجدران وحلياتها ترقي إلى المرتبة الأولى في الفن وتبقى إلى عصر ازدهار الحضارة اليونانية؛ وكذلك يدل ما بقي من المظلمات على إحساس قوي بالحياة والنشاط. وترى "النساء اللاتي في المقاصير" من كبريات السيدات اللائي تزدان بأمثالهن دور التمثيل في هذه الأيام، وقد صففن شعرهن وارتدين من الملابس ما يتفق مع أحسن طراز في الوقت الحاضر؛ وهن أقرب إلى الحياة الحقة من "السيدات الراكبات في العربة" اللائي خرجن للتنزه في الحقول آخر النهار وتكلفن الجمود في ركبتهن. وخير من سيدات المقاصير منظر "صيد الخنازير البرية"، وهو نقش من نقوش تيرنز. إن الخنزير والأزهار قد تحكم في تصويرهما العرف إلى حد لا يصدقه العقل، واللون القرنفلي الغير المعقول قد شوهته بقع أرجوانية وسوداء وزرقاء تتفق مع النمط المألوف وقتئذ، والنصف الخلفي من الخنزير المندفع في جريه يدق تدريجاً حتى يشبه عذراء عالية الحذائين تسقط من عريشة في قصرها. ولكن المطاردة رغم هذا مطاردة حقيقية، والخنزير قد أعياه الطراد حتى وصل إلى درجة اليأس، والكلاب تقفز بأقصى سرعتها في الهواء؛ والرجل، وهو أقوى الوحوش المفترسة عاطفة وأشدها قسوة، واقف متأهب برمحه القاتل الفتاك. ومن حق الإنسان أن يستدل من هذه النماذج على ما كان يستمتع به الموكنيون من حياة نشطة ومن أجسام قوية، وما كان لنسائهم من جمال وما كان في قصورهم من زينة واضحة جميلة.
الانخراط في آسيا الصغرى
The presence of Ahhiyawa in western Anatolia is mentioned in various Hittite accounts from ح. 1400 to ح. 1220 BC.[25] Ahhiyawa is generally accepted as a Hittite term for Mycenaean Greece (Achaeans in Homeric Greek), but a precise geographical definition of the term cannot be drawn from the texts.[26] During this time, the kings of Ahhiyawa were evidently capable of dealing with their Hittite counterparts both on a diplomatic and military level.[27] Moreover, Ahhiyawa achieved considerable political influence in parts of Western Anatolia, typically by encouraging anti-Hittite uprisings and collaborating with local vassal rulers.[28]
In ح. 1400 BC, Hittite records mention the military activities of an Ahhiyawan warlord, Attarsiya, possibly related to the mythic character of Atreus. Attarsiya attacked Hittite vassals in western Anatolia including Madduwatta.[29] Later, in c. 1315 BC, an anti-Hittite rebellion headed by Arzawa, a Hittite vassal state, received support from Ahhiyawa.[30] Meanwhile, Ahhiyawa appears to be in control of a number of islands in the Aegean, an impression also supported by archaeological evidence.[31] During the reign of the Hittite king Hattusili III (c. 1267–1237 BC), the king of Ahhiyawa is recognized as a "Great King" and of equal status with the other contemporary great Bronze Age rulers: the kings of Egypt, Babylonia and Assyria.[32] At that time, another anti-Hittite movement, led by Piyama-Radu, broke out and was supported by the king of Ahhiyawa.[33] Piyama-Radu caused major unrest which may have extended to the region of Wilusa, and later invaded the island of Lesbos, which then passed into Ahhiyawan control.[34]
Scholars have speculated that the mythic tradition of the Trojan War could have a historical basis in the political turmoil of this era.[35] As a result of this instability, the Hittite king initiated correspondence in order to convince his Ahhiyawan counterpart to restore peace in the region. The Hittite record mentions a certain Tawagalawa, a possible Hittite rendering of the Greek name Eteocles, as brother of the king of Ahhiyawa.[34][36]
الانهيار (ح. 1250–1100 ق.م.)
الانحدار الأولي والصحوة
In ح. 1250 BC, the first wave of destruction apparently occurred in various centres of mainland Greece for reasons that cannot be identified by archaeologists. In Boeotia, Thebes was burned to the ground, around that year or slightly later.[37] Nearby Orchomenos was not destroyed at this time but was abandoned, while the Boeotian fortifications of Gla displays evidence for a targeted destruction as only the four gates and the monumental building, called the Melathron, were burned before the site was abandoned.[38] In the Peloponnese, a number of buildings surrounding the citadel of Mycenae were attacked and burned.[39]
These incidents appear to have prompted the massive strengthening and expansion of the fortifications in various sites. In some cases, arrangements were also made for the creation of subterranean passages which led to underground cisterns. Tiryns, Midea and Athens expanded their defences with new cyclopean-style walls.[40] The extension program in Mycenae almost doubled the fortified area of the citadel. To this phase of extension belongs the impressive Lion Gate, the main entrance into the Mycenaean acropolis.[40]
It appears that after this first wave of destruction a short-lived revival of Mycenaean culture followed.[41] Mycenaean Greece continues to be mentioned in international affairs, particularly in Hittite records. In ح. 1220 BC, the king of Ahhiyawa is again reported to have been involved in an anti-Hittite uprising in western Anatolia.[42] Another contemporary Hittite account reports that Ahhiyawan ships should avoid Assyrian-controlled harbors, as part of a trade embargo imposed on Assyria.[43] In general, in the second half of 13th century BC, trade was in decline in the Eastern Mediterranean, most probably due to the unstable political environment there.[44]
الانهيار النهائي والمسارات المختلفة
None of the defence measures appear to have prevented the final destruction and collapse of the Mycenaean states. A second destruction struck Mycenae in c. 1190 BC or shortly thereafter. This event marked the end of Mycenae as a major power. The site was then reoccupied, but on a smaller scale.[39] A recent study suggests that neither of the palaces at Tiryns or Midea were destroyed by an earthquake,[45] and further studies have shown that upwards of fifty arrowheads were found scattered in the destruction debris at Midea perhaps indicating that the destruction was caused by an assault.[46] The palace of Pylos, in the southwestern Peloponnese, was destroyed in c. 1180 BC.[47][48] The Linear B archives found there, preserved by the heat of the fire that destroyed the palace, mention hasty defence preparations due to an imminent attack without giving any detail about the attacking force.[41]
As a result of this turmoil, specific regions in mainland Greece witnessed a dramatic population decrease, especially Boeotia, Argolis and Messenia.[41] Mycenaean refugees migrated to Cyprus and the Levantine coast.[48] Nevertheless, other regions on the edge of the Mycenaean world prospered, such as the Ionian islands, the northwestern Peloponnese, parts of Attica and a number of Aegean islands.[41] The acropolis of Athens, oddly, appears to have avoided destruction.[41]
Athens and the eastern coast of Attica were still occupied in the 12th century BC, and were not destroyed or abandoned; this points to the existence of new decentralized coastal and maritime networks there. It is attested by the cemetery of Perati that lasted a century and showed imports from Cyclades, Dodecanese, Crete, Cyprus, Egypt and Syria, as well as by the Late Helladic IIIC (ح. 1210–1040 BC) cemetery of Drivlia at Porto Rafti; located 2 km west of Perati. This indicates that Attica participated in long-distance trade, and was also incorporated in a mainland-looking network.[49]
The site of Mycenae experienced a gradual loss of political and economic status, while Tiryns, also in the Argolid region, expanded its settlement and became the largest local center during the post-palatial period, in Late Helladic IIIC, c. 1200–1050 BC.[50]
Hypotheses for the collapse
The reasons for the end of the Mycenaean culture have been hotly debated among scholars. At present, there is no satisfactory explanation for the collapse of the Mycenaean palace systems. The two most common theories are population movement and internal conflict. The first attributes the destruction of Mycenaean sites to invaders.[51]
The hypothesis of a Dorian invasion, known as such in Ancient Greek tradition, that led to the end of Mycenaean Greece, is supported by sporadic archaeological evidence such as new types of burials, in particular cist graves, and the use of a new dialect of Greek, the Doric one. It appears that the Dorians moved southward gradually over a number of years and devastated the territory, until they managed to establish themselves in the Mycenaean centers.[52] A new type of ceramic also appeared, called "Barbarian Ware" because it was attributed to invaders from the north.[41] On the other hand, the collapse of Mycenaean Greece coincides with the activity of the Sea Peoples in the Eastern Mediterranean. They caused widespread destruction in Anatolia and the Levant and were finally defeated by Pharaoh Ramesses III in c. 1175 BC. One of the ethnic groups that comprised these people were the Eqwesh, a name that appears to be linked with the Ahhiyawa of the Hittite inscriptions.[53]
Alternative scenarios propose that the fall of Mycenaean Greece was a result of internal disturbances which led to internecine warfare among the Mycenaean states or civil unrest in a number of states, as a result of the strict hierarchical social system and the ideology of the wanax.[54] In general, due to the obscure archaeological picture in 12th–11th century BC Greece, there is a continuing controversy among scholars over whether the impoverished societies that succeeded the Mycenaean palatial states were newcomers or populations that already resided in Mycenaean Greece. Recent archaeological findings tend to favor the latter scenario.[41] Additional theories, concerning natural factors, such as climate change, droughts, or earthquakes have also been proposed.[54] Another theory considers the decline of the Mycenaean civilization as a manifestation of a common pattern for the decline of many ancient civilizations: the Minoan, the Harappan and the Western Roman Empire; the reason for the decline is migration due to overpopulation.[55] The period following the end of Mycenaean Greece, c. 1100–800 BC, is generally termed the "Greek Dark Ages".[56]
التنظيم السياسي
دويلات القصور
Mycenaean palatial states, or centrally organized palace-operating polities, are recorded in ancient Greek literature and mythology (e.g., Iliad, Catalogue of Ships) and confirmed by discoveries made by modern archaeologists such as Heinrich Schliemann. Each Mycenaean kingdom was governed from the palace, which exercised control over most, if not all, industries within its realm. The palatial territory was divided into several sub-regions, each headed by its provincial center. Each province was further divided in smaller districts, the damoi.[57] A number of palaces and fortifications appear to be part of a wider kingdom. For instance, Gla, located in the region of Boeotia, belonged to the state of nearby Orchomenos.[37] Moreover, the palace of Mycenae appeared to have ruled over a territory two to three times the size of the other palatial states in Bronze Age Greece. Its territory would have also included adjacent centers, including Tiryns and Nauplion, which could plausibly be ruled by a member of Mycenae's ruling dynasty.[58]
The unearthed Linear B texts are too fragmentary for the reconstruction of the political landscape in Mycenaean Greece and they do not support nor deny the existence of a larger Mycenaean state.[26][59] On the other hand, contemporary Hittite and Egyptian records suggest the presence of a single state under a "Great King".[60] Alternatively, based on archaeological data, some sort of confederation among a number of palatial states appears to be possible.[26] If some kind of united political entity existed, the dominant center was probably located in Thebes or in Mycenae, with the latter state being the most probable center of power.[61]
المجتمع والإدارة
The Neolithic agrarian village (6000 BC) constituted the foundation of Bronze Age political culture in Greece.[62] The vast majority of the preserved Linear B records deal with administrative issues and give the impression that Mycenaean palatial administration was highly systematized, featuring thoroughly consistent language, terminology, tax calculations, and distribution logistics.[63][57] Considering this sense of uniformity, the Pylos archive, which is the best preserved one in the Mycenaean world, is generally taken as a representative one.[63]
The state was ruled by a king, the wanax (ϝάναξ), whose role was religious and perhaps also military and judicial.[64] The wanax oversaw virtually all aspects of palatial life, from religious feasting and offerings to the distribution of goods, craftsmen and troops.[65] Under him was the lāwāgetas ("the leader of the people"), whose role appears mainly religious. His activities possibly overlap with the wanax and is usually seen as the second-in-command.[65] Both wanax and lāwāgetas were at the head of a military aristocracy known as the eqeta ("companions" or "followers").[64][66] The land possessed by the wanax is usually the témenos (te-me-no). There is also at least one instance of a person, Enkhelyawon, at Pylos, who appears titleless in the written record but whom modern scholars regard as probably a king.[67]
A number of local officials positioned by the wanax appear to be in charge of the districts, such as ko-re-te (koreter, "governor"), po-ro-ko-re-te (prokoreter, "deputy") and the da-mo-ko-ro (damokoros, "one who takes care of a damos"), the latter probably being appointed to take charge of the commune. A council of elders was chaired, the ke-ro-si-ja (cf. γερουσία, gerousía). The basileus, who in later Greek society was the name of the king, refers to communal officials.[64]
In general, Mycenaean society appears to have been divided into two groups of free men: the king's entourage, who conducted administrative duties at the palace, and the people, da-mo.[68] These last were watched over by royal agents and were obliged to perform duties for and pay taxes to the palace.[64] Among those who could be found in the palace were well-to-do high officials, who probably lived in the vast residences found in proximity to Mycenaean palaces, but also others, tied by their work to the palace and not necessarily better off than the members of the da-mo, such as craftsmen, farmers, and perhaps merchants. Occupying a lower rung of the social ladder were the slaves, do-e-ro, (cf. δοῦλος, doúlos).[69] These are recorded in the texts as working either for the palace or for specific deities.[64]
الفن والحرف اليدوية
وأرقى فنون ميسيني كلها ما كان منها على المعادن، ففيها بلغت بلاد اليونان ما بلغته كريت، وبلغ من جرأتها في هذه الناحية أن اتبعت فيها أشكالها الخاصة وزينتها. وإذا لم يكن شليمان قد عثر بحق على عظام أجاممنون، فقد عثر على ما يعادل وزنها فضة وذهباً. عثر على حلي كثيرة الأنواع، وبكميات تدل على الإسراف الشديد، وعلى أزرار ذات رؤوس خليقة بأن تكون في ملابس الملوك؛ وحجارة كريمة حفرت عليها مناظر صيد أو حرب أو قرصنة؛ ورأس بقرة من الفضة البراقة لها قرنان وجبهة من الفضة نقشت عليها ورود، يتوقع الناظر إليها في أية لحظة من اللحظات أن تخور خواراً محزناً، قد يفسره شليمان، وهو الذي لا يعدم وسيلة لتفسير كل ما يراه، بأنه اسم موكناي. وأجمل ما وجد في تيرنز وموكناي من آثار معدنية خنجران من البرنز مرصعان بمزيج من الذهب والفضة، ومصفحان بالذهب المجلو المصقول، وعليهما نقوش تمثل قططاً برية تطارد بطاً، وأساداً تطارد فهاداً أو تحارب أناسي. وأغرب من هذه كلها الأقنعة الذهبية التي كانت على ما يظهر تغطي بها وجوه الموتى من الملوك. ويشبه أحد هذه الأقنعة وجه قطة؛ وقد دفعت شليمان شهامته إلى أن يعزو هذا القناع لأجاممنون لا لكليتمنسترا.
المشغولات المعدنية
Several important pieces in gold and other metals come from the Gold grave goods at Grave Circles A and B at Mycenae, including the Mask of Agamemnon, Silver Siege Rhyton, Bulls-head rhyton, and gold Nestor's Cup. The chemical compositions of the silver objects indicate that the silver was sourced from several locations.[70] The Theseus Ring, found in Athens, is one of the finest of a number of gold signet rings with tiny multi-figure scenes of high quality, many from the princely Grave Circles A and B at Mycenae. These tend to be regarded as Cretan, as do the carved gemstones also found in elite graves. Though they collected them, the Mycenaean elite did not apparently use Minoan seals for authenticating anything, but treated them as ornaments, at least one prince wearing a collection around his wrists, like modern charm bracelets. Sinclair Hood believed that at the time of the Vaphio burial (c. 1500–1450) "it was broadly speaking possible to classify the finer seals as being of Cretan, the more crudely engraved of mainland manufacture", but that "this criterion no longer applies after the mainland conquest of Crete ح. 1450".[71]
الأوعية
During the Late Mycenaean period (1400–1200 BC), Mycenaean vessels/pottery exhibited similarities spanning a significant area of the Eastern Mediterranean (i.e., from the Levant to Sicily) and possibly reflecting a form of economic and political union centered at Mycenae.[72] However, the Minoan pottery of Crete during this time remained distinct indicating a degree of autonomy on the island.[72] The Mycenaean Greeks produced in large quantities a variety of diversely-styled vessels such as stirrup jars, large bowls, alabastron, krater and stemmed cups (or kylikes) resembling champagne glasses.[72]
Stirrup jars (Linear B: ka-ra-re-u, khlareus; "oil vessel"), specifically, were first invented on the island of Crete during the 16th century BC and used widely by the Mycenaeans from 1400 BC onward for transporting and storing wine and oil; the jars were usually pear-shaped or globular. As for stemmed cups (or kylikes), they evolved from Ephyraean goblets and a large quantity was discovered at a site called the "Potter's Shop" located in Zygouries. Mycenaean drinking vessels such as the stemmed cups contained single decorative motifs such as a shell, an octopus or a flower painted on the side facing away from the drinker.[72] The Mycenaean Greeks also painted entire scenes (called "Pictorial Style") on their vessels depicting warriors, chariots, horses and deities reminiscent of events described in Homer's Iliad.[73] Other items developed by the Mycenaeans include clay lamps,[74] as well as metallic vessels such as bronze tripod cauldrons (or basins).[75] A few examples of vessels in faience and ivory are also known.[76]
تماثيل الأشخاص
The Mycenaean period has not yielded sculpture of any great size. The statuary of the period consists for the most part of small terracotta figurines found at almost every Mycenaean site in mainland Greece—in tombs, in settlement debris, and occasionally in cult contexts (Tiryns, Agios Konstantinos on Methana). The majority of these figurines are female and anthropomorphic or zoomorphic.
The female figurines can be subdivided into three groups, which were popular at different periods: the Psi and phi type figurines, and the Tau-type. The earliest are the Phi-type, which look like the Greek letter Phi (their arms give the upper body a rounded shape). The Psi-type looks like the letter Psi (these have outstretched upraised arms). The latest (12th century BC) are the Tau-type; these figurines look like the Greek letter Tau (with folded arms at right angles to the body). Most figurines wear a large polos.[77] They are painted with stripes or zigzags in the same manner as the contemporary pottery and presumably made by the same potters. Their purpose is uncertain, but they may have served as both votive objects and toys: some are found in children's graves but the vast majority of fragments are from domestic rubbish deposits.[78]
The presence of many of these figurines on sites where worship took place in the Archaic and Classical periods (approximately 200 below the sanctuary of Athena at Delphi, others at the temple of Aphaea on Aegina, at the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas above Epidauros and at Amyclae near Sparta), suggests both that many were indeed religious in nature, perhaps as votives, but also that later places of worship may well have first been used in the Mycenaean period.[79]
Larger male, female or bovine terracotta wheelmade figures are much rarer. An important group was found in the Temple at Mycenae together with coiled clay snakes,[80] while others have been found at Tiryns and in the East and West Shrines at Phylakopi on the island of Melos.[81]
الحصيات
ولكن أروع روائع الفن الميسيني بلا جدال لم يعثر عليها في تيرينز ولا في ميسيني، بل عثر عليها في قبرص ڤافيو Vaphio بالقرب من إسبرطة، حيث كان أحد صغار الأمراء ينافس ملوك الشمال في التفاخر والعظمة. وقد عثر في ذلك المكان، بين كنز آخر من الحلي، على قدحين من الذهب المطروق بسيطين في شكلهما ولكنهما بذل في صنعهما كل ما يستطيع الفنان المحب لفنه العظيم أن يبذله فيه من الصبر والإتقان. وتشبه صناعة هذين القدحين أحسن الصناعة المينوية، وقد أغرى ذلك بعض العلماء على أن يعزوهما إلى فنان كريتي عظيم بلغ من المنزلة في كريت ما بلغه سليني عند الإيطاليين. ولكننا يحزننا أن تحرم الثقافة الميسينية أحسن ما خلفت من آثار. نعم إن موضوع النقوش التي على القدحين - وهو اقتناص ثور وترويضه - يبدو من الموضوعات التي اختصت بها كريت؛ ولكن كثرة هذا المنظر وأمثاله محفورة على الخواتم والأختام الميسينية، أو مصورة على جدران القصور، تشهد بأن مصارعة الثيران كانت منتشرة في أرض اليونان انتشارها في الجزيرة. وقد نقش على أحد القدحين منظر القور وقد صيد في شبكة من الحبال السميكة، وفتح فاه ومنخريه وهو لا يكاد يستطيع التنفس من شدة الغضب وفرط التعب، وكلما حاول التخلص من الشرك ضاقت عليه حلقاته؛ وعلى الجانب الآخر ثور ثان يقفز قفزة الرعب والهلع، وثالث يهاجم غلاماً من الرعاة أمسكه بشجاعة نادرة من قرنيه. وعلى القدح الثاني يساق الثور المصيد؛ فإذا أدرنا القدح رأيناه قد رضي بقيود الحضارة، وانهمك على حد قول إيفنز في "حديث غرامي" مع بقرة. وقد مضت قرون كثيرة بعد ذلك العهد قبل أن يظهر مثل هذا الصنع البديع في بلاد اليونان.
ويوجد الميسيني نفسه، كما توجد معظم مخلفات فنه، في قبوره، ذلك أنه كان يطوي موتاه ويدفنهم في جرار غير مريحة، وقلما كان يحرق جثثهم كما كان يُفعل بها في عصر الأبطال.
العمارة
القصور
على تل منخفض طويل، على بعد ميل واحد في شمال البحر، كان يقوم في القرن الرابع عشر قبل الميلاد قصر تيرينز الحصين. ويستطيع الإنسان أن يصل إلى خرائب هذا القصر بعد رحلة ممتعة من أرجوس أو ناوبليون Nsuplia، ومشهد هذه الخرائب تكاد تضيع معالمها بين حقول القمح والذرة الهادئة الساكنة. فإذا صعد السائح قليلاً فوق درجات حجرية باقية من أزمنة ما قبل التاريخ، وقف أمام الجدران الضخمة السيكلوبية التي بنيت كما تقول الرواية اليونانية للأمير الأرجوسي پرويتوس Proetus قبل حرب طروادة بمائتي عام. ولقد كانت المدينة حتى في ذلك الزمن البعيد قديمة العهد فقد شادها كما تقول الرواية القديمة المأثورة البطل تيرنز بن أرجس Argus ذو المائة عين، والعالم لا يزال في طفولته. ةتضيف القصة إلى ذلك أن بروتيوس أهدى القصر إلى برسيوس الذي حكم تيرينز مع الملكة أندرمدا Andromeda الحمراء.
وكان ارتفاع الأسوار التي تحمي المدينة بين عشرين وخمسين قدماً، وقد بلغ من سمكها أن كانت تحتوي في بعض المواضع على معارض واسعة ذات قباب وعقود فيها قطع حجرية ضخمة مركبة بعضها فوق بعض في وضع أفقي.
ولا تزال بعض هذه الحجارة فـي أماكنها حتى الآن، والكثير منها يبلغ طوله ست أقدام وعرضه ثلاثاً وسمكه مثلها، أما أصغرها فيقول بوسنياس "إنه يصعب على زوج من البغال أن يحركها من أماكنها". وكان في داخل الأسوار، وراء مدخل شيد على نمط كثير من مداخل الحصون فناء واسع مرصوف، حوله طائفة من الأعمدة، ومن حول هذه الأعمدة عدد كبير من الحجرات شبيهة بحجرات نوسس، تجتمع حول بهو فخم سعته ألفا وثلاثمائة قدم مربعة، أرضه مرصوفة بالأسمنت المطلي وسقفه مقام على أربعة عمد بينها موقد. وهنا وجد مبدأ جرت عليه العمائر اليونانية يختلف عما كان متبعاً في كريت - وهو فصل الجناح الذي تقيم فيه النساء عن حجرات الرجال. فقد كانت حجرة الملك وحجرة الملكة متجاورتين ولكنهما - على قدر ما نستطيع أن نستدل عليه من آثارهما - منفصلتان إحداهما عن الأخرى كل الانفصال ولا صلة بينهما من داخلهما. ولم يعثر شليمان من هذا القصر الحصين إلا على أساس الطابق الأرضي، وقواعد الأعمدة، وأجزاء من الجدران. وفي أسفل التل وجدت بقايا البيوت المقامة من الحجارة أو الآجر، والقناطر، وقطع من الفخار القديم. وفي هذا الموضع كانت مدينة تيرينز يف عهد ما قبل التاريخ تتقارب بيوتها لتحمي نفسها تحت أسوار القصر. ذلك أنه لا مفر لنا من أن نتصور بلاد اليونان في عصر البرنز تحيا حياة غير آمنة حول هذه القلاع الإقطاعية وفي داخلها.
وعلى بعد عشرة أميال شمالي هذه المدينة شاد برسيوس (إذا أردنا أن نصدق قول بوسنياس) مدينة ميسيني - أعظم عواصم اليونان قبل التاريخ. وهنا أيضاً نشأت حول قلعة منيعة مدينة من عدة قرى، تضم عدداً من السكان النشيطين زراع، وتجار، وصناع، ورقيق، كانوا سعداء لأنهم ليس لهم تاريخ. وبعد ستمائة عام من ذلك الوقت وصف هومر ميسيني بأنها "مدينة حسنة البناء واسعة الطرقات، موفورة الذهب". ولقد أبقى الزمان على أجزاء من هذه الجدران الضخمة رغم ما مر بها من مئات الأجيال التي تكفي لتخريب أقوى الصروح؛ وإن ما بقي منها ليشهد برخص الأيدي العاملة وعدم اطمئنان الملوك على أنفسهم في تلك الأيام. وفي ركن من أركان السور يوجد باب الأسد الشهير، وهناك فوق أسكفة ضخمة نحت على حجر مثلث الشكل أسدان كبيران أبلاهما الزمان وحطم رأسيهما، وأبقى على جسميهما ليحرسا وهما صامتان ذلك المجد العتيد الزائل. وعلى الرابية القريبة من هذا الباب ترى أطلال القصر. وفي وسعنا أن نفعل هنا ما فعلناه في تيرينز فنتبين فيها حجرة العرش، وحجرات المخازن، وحجرة النوم، وحجرات الاستقبال. وهنا كانت في غابر الأيام أرضيات منقوشة، ومداخل ذات عمد، وجدران ذات مظلمات، وسلالم فخمة.
وقد كشف عمال شليمان، بالقرب من باب الأسد في بقعة ضيقة تحيط بها دائرة من القطع الحجرية المسطحة، عن تسعة عشر هيكلاً عظيماً، وعن عاديات قيمة ثمينة لا يسع من يراها إلا أن يغفر لهذا الهاوي العظيم ظنه أن هذه الحفر هي الحجرات التي دفن فيها أبناء أتريوس. كيف لا وقد وصف بوسنياس القبور الملكية بأنها "في أطلال ميسيني؟"، لقد كان من بين هذه الهياكل العظيمة جماجم رجال عليها تيجان من الذهب، وعلى عظام وجوهها أقنعة ذهبية؛ وكان من بينها هياكل سيدات لهن تيجان من الذهب كن يلبسنها على رؤوسهن التي لم يبق لها وجود. ومن بين ما وجد في هذه المقابر آنية عليها رسوم جميلة، وجفان من البرنز، وكأس من فضة، ورؤوس وسيوف مزخرفة، ولوحة للعب شبيهة بالتي وجدت في نوسس، وكل ما يستطيع أن يتصوره الإنسان من الأدوات مصنوعة من الذهب الخالص - أختام وخواتم، ودبابيس، ومشابك، وأقداح، وخرز وأساور، ودروع، وآنية للزينة، وأثواب مزركشة بصفائح رفيعة من الذهب، وليس ثمة شك في أن هذه الجواهر جواهر ملوك، وأن هذه العظام عظام ملوك.
وقد كشف شليمان وغيره من العلماء في سفح التل المقابل للسفح الذي شيد عليه هذا الحصن، تسعة قبور تختلف كل الاختلاف عن "القبور البئرية". فإذا ما خرج الإنسان عن الطريق النازل من القلعة دخل عن يمينه دهليزاً على جانبيه جدران من الحجارة الكبيرة الجيدة القطع، وفي آخر الدهليز مدخل بسيط كان يزدان فيما مضى بعمودين أسطوانيين رفيعين من الرخام الأخضر محفوظين في المتحف البريطاني الآن، ومن فوق العمودين أسكفة بسيطة من حجرين طول أحدهما ثلاثون قدماً ووزنه 113 طناً. فإذا اجتاز السائح هذا المدخل ألفى نفسه تحت قبة ارتفاعها خمسون قدماً وقطرها خمسون، وجدرانها من الحجارة المنشورة، مقواة بصفائح من البرنز نقش عليها الورد، وتركب كل طبقة من الحجارة على ما تحتها حتى تسد أعلى الطبقات قمة القبة. وقد اعتقد شليمان أن هذا الصرح العجيب هو قبر أجممنون، ولم يتردد في أن يصف قبة أخرى أصغر من هذه وجدت إلى جوارها وكشفتها زوجته بأنها قبر كليتمنسترا Clytaemnestra. وكانت كل القبور التي وجدت في ميسيني والتي تشبه خلية النحل في كثرتها خالية، لأن اللصوص سبقوا علماء الآثار إليها بعدة قرون.
وهذه الآثار الدارسة شواهد باقية على حضارة كانت قديمة في أيام بركليز قدم شليمان إلينا نحن. ويرجع المؤرخون المحدثون تاريخ المقابر البئرية إلى عام 1600 ق.م (أي قبل التاريخ الذي يحددونه لأجممنون بأربعمائة عام)، أما المقابر التي في الجهة الأخرى من التل فيرجع تاريخها في زعمهم إلى حوالي عام 1450، ولكن تأريخ ما قبل التاريخ عملية بعيدة كل البعد عن الدقة. ولسنا نعرف كيف بدأت هذه الحضارة، كما لا نعرف من هم أولئك الأقوام الذين شادوا مدائن في موضعي ميسيني وتيرينز، بل وفي مواضع إسبارطة، وأمكلي Amyclae وإيجينا Aegina، وإليوزيس Eleusis، وقيروينا Chaeronia، وأرثومينوس Orthomenos ودلفي. وأكبر الظن أن هؤلاء الأقوام كانوا كغيرهم من الأمم قد أصبحوا خليطاً من سلالات مختلفة، ورثوا ثقافات متعددة؛ فلقد كانت بلاد اليونان مختلطة دماء أهلها قبل غزو الدورين (1100 ق.م) اختلاط دماء سكان إنجلترا قبل فتح النورمان. ومبلغ ما نستطيع أن نهتدي إليه بظننا أن الميسينيين كانوا يمتون بصلة القرابة العنصرية للفريجيين والكاريين سكان آسيا الصغرى، وللمينويين سكان كريت. وللأسدين اللذين وجدا في ميسيني وجهان شبيهان بآساد أرض النهرين. ولعل هذه الفكرة القديمة قد انتقلت إلى هذه البلاد عن طريق أشور وفريجيا.
وتسمى الراوية التاريخية الميسينيين باسم "بلاسجى" Pelasgi (وربما كان معناه أهل البحر - بلاجوس Pelagos)، وكانوا يصورونهم كأنهم آتون من تراقية وتساليا إلى أتكا والبلويونيز في زمن يبلغ من القدم حداً جعل اليونان يطلقون عليهم اسم السكان الأصليين، أوتوكتنوي Autochthonoi. وقد صدق هيرودوت هذه القصة وقال إن الآلهة الأولمبية من أصل بلاسجي، ولكنه "لا يستطيع أن يقول وهو واثق ماذا كانت لغة البلاسجي"، ولسنا نحن أكثر منه علماً بها.
وما من شك في أن أولئك الأوتوكتنويين قد قدموا في عصر متأخر إلى أرض كانت تزرع من أيام العصر الحجري الحديث؛ ذلك أنه لا يوجد في بلد من بلاد العالم سكان أصليون. وقد غلبهم على مر الزمان أقوام آخرون، وشاهد ذلك أننا نجد في العصور المتأخرة من تاريخ الميسينيين حوالي عام 1600 ق.م دلائل كثيرة على غزوة تجارية ثقافية، إن لم تكن سياسية عسكرية، لأرض البلويونيز، من حاصلات كريت أو من مهاجريها. وحجتنا في هذا القول أن قصور تيرينز وميسيني قد خططت وزينت على غرار القصور المينوية إذا استثنينا أقسام النساء في الأولى وهي التي لا نظير لها في الثانية. يضاف إلى هذا أن الآنية والأنماط الفنية الكريتية وصلت إلى إيجينيا وكلسيس Chalcis وطيبة، وأن سيدات ميسيني وإلهاتها قد قلدن الطراز الكريتي الساحر في الملبس والزينة، وأن الفن الذي كشف عنه في القبور البئرية المتأخرة مينوي بلا ريب. وجلي أن اتصال الميسنيين بحضارة أرقى من حضارتهم كان له فيهم أثر حافز قوي، وأنه هو الذي رفع ميسيني إلى أرقى من حضارتهم كان له فيهم أثر حافز قوي، وأنه هو الذي رفع ميسيني إلى أرقى ما وصلت إليه حضارتها.
التحصينات
The construction of defensive structures was closely linked to the establishment of the palaces in mainland Greece. The principal Mycenaean centers were well-fortified and usually situated on an elevated terrain, like on the Acropolis of Athens, Tiryns and Mycenae or on coastal plains, in the case of Gla.[82] Mycenaean Greeks in general appreciated the symbolism of war as expressed in defensive architecture, reflected by the visual impressiveness of their fortifications.[82]
Cyclopean is the term normally applied to the masonry characteristics of Mycenaean fortification systems and describes walls built of large, unworked boulders more than 8 m (26 ft) thick and weighing several metric tonnes.[83] They were roughly fitted together without the use of mortar or clay to bind them, though smaller hunks of limestone fill the interstices. Their placement formed a polygonal pattern giving the curtain wall an irregular but imposing appearance. At the top it would have been wide enough for a walkway with a narrow protective parapet on the outer edge and with hoop-like crenellations.[84] The term Cyclopean was derived by the latter Greeks of the Classical era who believed that only the mythical giants, the Cyclopes, could have constructed such megalithic structures.[82] On the other hand, cut stone masonry is used only in and around gateways. Another typical feature of Mycenaean megalithic construction was the use of a relieving triangle above a lintel block—an opening, often triangular, designed to reduce the weight over the lintel. The space was filled with some lighter stone.[84]
Cyclopean fortifications were typical of Mycenaean walls, especially at the citadels of Mycenae, Tiryns, Argos, Crisa and Athens, while smaller boulders are found in Midea and large limestone slabs are found at Gla.[84] In the Mycenaean settlements found in Epirus and Cyprus, Cyclopean-style walls are also present,[85][86] as well as in western Anatolia.[87] Besides the citadels, isolated forts were also erected on various strategic locations. The fortification systems also incorporated technical refinements such as secret cisterns, galleries, sally ports and projecting bastions for the protection of gateways.[82] On the other hand, the palace of Pylos, although a major center of power, paradoxically appears to have been left without any defensive walls.[88]
سمات معمارية اخرى
Mycenaean domestic architecture originates mainly from earlier Middle Helladic traditions (ح. 2000–1650 BC) both in shape, as well as in location of settlement. The observed uniformity in domestic architecture came probably as a result of a shared past among the communities of the Greek mainland rather than as a consequence of cultural expansion of the Mycenaean Koine.[89] Moreover, varying sizes of mudbricks were used in the construction of buildings.[90]
Contrary to popular belief, some Mycenaean representative buildings already featured roofs made of fired tiles, as in Gla and Midea.[91]
الديانة
يستدل من مخلفات الإنسان الموكني على أنه كان يؤمن بحياة من نوع ما في الدار الآخرة، لأن أدوات ذات قيمة ونفع قد وجدت في قبوره. وفيما عدا هذا فإن الدين الميسيني، على قدر ما تكشف لنا من مقوماته، قوي الدلالة على أنه نشأ من الدين الكريتي أو كان قوي الصلة به، ففيه - كما في كريت - نجد البلطة المزدوجة، والعمود المقدس، واليمامة الإلهية، وعبادة أم إلهة ممثلة في إله غلام لعله ولدها؛ وهنا أيضاً نجد أرباباً صغاراً في صور أفاع. وقد بقيت الأم الإلهة في بلاد اليونان خلال كل ما حدث في دينها من تطور وتغيير، فقد جاءت بعد ريا Rhea الكريتية دمتر Demeter أم اليونان الحزينة، وبعد دمتر جاءت العذراء أم الإله. وإذا ما وقف الإنسان اليوم على أطلال ميسيني رأى في القرية الصغيرة القائمة أسفلها كنيسة مسيحية متواضعة، لقد ولى عصر الأبهة والفخامة ولم تبق إلا البساطة والسلوى.
Temples and shrines are strangely rare in the Mycenaean archaeological sites. Monumental cultic structures are absent at all the palatial centers, with the exception of Mycenae. However, the cultic center of Mycenae seems to have been a later (13th century BC) development.[92] Small shrines have been identified in Asine, Berbati, Malthi and Pylos,[93] while a number of sacred enclosures have been located near Mycenae, Delphi and Amyclae.[94] Linear B records mention a number of sanctuaries dedicated to a variety of deities, at least in Pylos and Knossos. They also indicate that there were various religious festivities including offerings.[95] Written Mycenaean records mention various priests and priestesses who were responsible for specific shrines and temples.[96] The latter were prominent figures in society, and the role of Mycenaean women in religious festivities was also important, just as in Minoan Crete.[97]
The Mycenaean pantheon already included many divinities that were subsequently encountered in Classical Greece,[98] although it is difficult to determine whether these deities had the characteristics and responsibilities that would be attributed to them in later periods.[99] In general, the same divinities were worshipped throughout the Mycenaean palatial world. There may be some indications for local deities at various sites, in particular in Crete. The uniformity of Mycenaean religion is also reflected in archaeological evidence with the phi- and psi-figurines that have been found all over Late Bronze Age Greece.[92]
Poseidon (Linear B: Po-se-da-o) seems to have occupied a place of privilege. He was a chthonic deity, connected with earthquakes (E-ne-si-da-o-ne: Earth-shaker), but it seems that he also represented the river spirit of the underworld.[100] Paean (Pa-ja-wo) is probably the precursor of the Greek physician of the gods in Homer's Iliad. He was the personification of the magic-song which was supposed to "heal" the patient.[101] A number of divinities have been identified in the Mycenaean scripts only by their epithets used during later antiquity. For example, Qo-wi-ja ("cow-eyed") is a standard Homeric epithet of Hera.[102] Ares appeared under the name Enyalios (assuming that Enyalios is not a separate god).[103] Additional divinities that can be also found in later periods include Hephaestus, Erinya, Artemis (a-te-mi-to and a-ti-mi-te) and Dionysos (Di-wo-nu-so).[104][105][106][107] Zeus also appears in the Mycenaean pantheon, but he was certainly not the chief deity.[99]
A collection of "ladies" or "mistresses", Po-ti-ni-ja (Potnia) are named in the Mycenaean scripts. As such, Athena (A-ta-na) appears in an inscription at Knossos as mistress Athena, similar to a later Homeric expression, but in the Pylos tablets she is mentioned without any accompanying word.[108] Si-to po-ti-ni-ja appears to be an agricultural goddess, possibly related to Demeter of later antiquity,[102] while in Knossos there is the "mistress of the Labyrinth".[109] The "two queens and the king" (wa-na-ssoi, wa-na-ka-te) are mentioned in Pylos.[110][111] Goddess Pe-re-swa mentioned may be related to Persephone.[102][108] A number of Mycenaean divinities seem to have no later equivalents, such as Marineus, Diwia and Komawenteia.[99]
الاقتصاد
ازدهرت ميسيني بعد سقوط كنوسس كما لم تزدهر من قبل، واستخدمت الثروة الطائلة المتزايدة التي كانت "لأسرة القبور البئرية" في تشييد القصور الفخمة على تلال ميسيني وتيرينز، واتخذ الفن الميسيني لنفسه طابعاً خاصاً، واستولى على أسواق بحر إيجة، ووصلت تجارة أمراء البلاد شرقاً إلى قبرص وسورية، وجنوباً إلى مصر مارة بجزائر سكلديس، وغرباً إلى أسبانيا مارة بإيطاليا، وشمالاً إلى نهر الدانوب مخترقة يؤوتيا وتساليا، ولم تقف في سبيلها إلا طروادة. وكما أن رومة قد استحوذت على حضارة اليونان ونشرتها في أنحاء العالم، كذلك فعلت ميسيني فاستحوذت على ثقافة كريت المختصرة، ونشرت الطور الميسيني من أطوار تلك الحضارة في عالم البحر الأبيض المتوسط كله.
التنظيم
The Mycenaean economy, given its pre-monetary nature, was a palace economy, focusing on the redistribution of goods, commodities and labor by a central administration. The preserved Linear B records in Pylos and Knossos indicate that the palaces were closely monitoring a variety of industries and commodities, the organization of land management and the rations given to the dependent personnel.[112][113] The Mycenaean palaces maintained extensive control of the nondomestic areas of production through careful control and acquisition and distribution in the palace industries, and the tallying of produced goods.[114][115] For instance, the Knossos tablets record c. 80,000–100,000 sheep grazing in central Crete, and the quantity of the expected wool from these sheep and their offspring, as well as how this wool was allocated.[115] The archives of Pylos display a specialized workforce, where each worker belonged to a precise category and was assigned to a specific task in the stages of production, notably in textiles.[116]
Nevertheless, palatial control over resources appears to have been highly selective in spatial terms and in terms of how different industries were managed.[117] Thus, sectors like the production of perfumed oil and bronze materials were directly monitored from the palace, but the production of ceramics was only indirectly monitored.[118] Regional transactions between the palaces are also recorded on a few occasions.[119]
البنية التحتية على نطاق واسع
The palatial centers organized their workforce and resources for the construction of large scale projects in the fields of agriculture and industry.[113] The magnitude of some projects indicates that this was the result of combined efforts from multiple palatial centers. Most notable of them are the drainage system of the Kopais basin in Boeotia, the building of a large dam outside Tiryns, and the drainage of the swamp in the Nemea valley.[120] Also noticeable is the construction of harbors, such as the harbor of Pylos, that were capable of accommodating large Bronze Age era vessels like the one found at Uluburun.[120] The Mycenaean economy also featured large-scale manufacturing as testified by the extent of workshop complexes that have been discovered, the largest known to date being the recent ceramic and hydraulic installations found in Euonymeia, next to Athens, that produced tableware, textiles, sails, and ropes for export and shipbuilding.[121]
The most famous project of the Mycenaean era was the network of roads in the Peloponnese.[120] This appears to have facilitated the speedy deployment of troops—for example, the remnants of a Mycenaean road, along with what appears to have been a Mycenaean defensive wall on the Isthmus of Corinth. The Mycenaean era saw the zenith of infrastructure engineering in Greece, and this appears not to have been limited to the Argive plain.[122]
التجارة
Trade over vast areas of the Mediterranean was essential for the economy of Mycenaean Greece. The Mycenaean palaces imported raw materials, such as metals, ivory and glass, and exported processed commodities and objects made from these materials, in addition to local products: oil, perfume, wine, wool and pottery.[113] International trade of that time was not only conducted by palatial emissaries but also by independent merchants.[123]
Based on archaeological findings in the Middle East, in particular physical artifacts, textual references, inscriptions and wall paintings, it appears that Mycenaean Greeks achieved strong commercial and cultural interaction with most of the Bronze Age people living in this region: Canaanites, Kassites, Mitanni, Assyrians, and Egyptians.[123][124][125] The 14th century BC Uluburun shipwreck, off the coast of southern Anatolia, displays the established trade routes that supplied the Mycenaeans with all the raw materials and items that the economy of Mycenaean Greece needed, such as copper and tin for the production of bronze products.[126] A chief export of the Mycenaeans was olive oil, which was a multi-purpose product.[127]
Cyprus appears to be the principal intermediary station between Mycenaean Greece and the Middle East, based on the considerable greater quantities of Mycenaean goods found there.[128] On the other hand, trade with the Hittite lands in central Anatolia appears to have been limited.[123][129] Trade with Troy is also well attested, while Mycenaean trade routes expanded further to the Bosphorus and the shores of the Black Sea.[130] Mycenaean swords have been found as far away as Georgia in the eastern Black Sea coast.[131]
Commercial interaction was also intense with the Italian peninsula and the western Mediterranean. Mycenaean products, especially pottery, were exported to southern Italy, Sicily and the Aeolian Islands. Mycenaean products also penetrated further into Sardinia,[132][133] as well as southern Spain.[134]
Sporadic objects of Mycenaean manufacture were found in various distant locations, like in Central Europe,[135] such as in Bavaria, Germany, where an amber object inscribed with Linear B symbols has been unearthed.[136] Mycenaean bronze double axes and other objects dating from the 13th century BC have been found in Ireland and in Wessex and Cornwall in England.[137][138]
Anthropologists have found traces of opium in Mycenaean ceramic vases.[139] The drug trade in Mycenaean Greece is traced as early as 1650–1350 BC, with opium poppies being traded in the eastern Mediterranean.[140][141]
المرأة
الحياة اليومية
By observing Mycenaean wall paintings, scholars have deduced that women during this time often wore long dresses, their hair long, and wore jewelry, most notably beads.[142] Mycenaean beads have long been an aspect of Mycenaean culture that is shrouded in a significant amount of mystery. It is not known for certain why they (men, women, and children) wore them, or why they appear to have been significant to the culture, but beads made of carnelian, lapis lazuli, etc., were known to have been worn by women on bracelets, necklaces, and buttons on cloaks, and were often buried with the deceased.[143]
In later periods of Greek history, seclusion of females from males was common in the household, though scholars have found no evidence of seclusion during Mycenaean times, and believe that males and females worked with and around each other on a regular basis. Not much is known about women's duties in the home or whether they differed from the duties of men. And though men were involved in warfare and hunting, there is no evidence that suggests women ever took part in either of the two, though whether women took part in hunting has been up for debate amongst some historians. There is evidence that, in this patriarchal society, men and women were, in some respects, viewed equally. Mycenae practiced a system of rationing food to citizens, and evidence shows that women received the same amount of rations as men.[142]
If women were not officials in the cult or married to high-ranking male officers, they were likely low-ranking laborers. Linear B details specialized groups of female laborers called "workgroups". These women labored with other women as well as their children, and usually were located close to the palace. Women who belonged to workgroups did not belong to independent households, but were managed and fed by palace scribes. All of the women in a workgroup would serve the same occupation, such as textiles. Women in workgroups are not believed to have been able to acquire land holdings or have had economic independence of any kind, and are believed by some to have been slaves, though there are some conflicting debates among scholars concerning this. Though scholars are unsure if ordinary women could obtain land and exert economic power, there is evidence that women could obtain positions of power, such as the title of priestess, which allowed them to have land holdings, have elite connections, and high social status. Mycenaean society is believed to have been largely patriarchal, but women could exert social and economic power through titles and positions of power, like that of a priestess, though religion was not the only place that a woman could gain social authority.[146] Women with special talents or skills, such as being a skilled midwife or craftswomen, could gain social authority in their villages, but are not believed to have been able to receive land holdings. Elite women (those who were married to male elites) were afforded benefits fitting their high social standing, but even the wife of elites could not own land and had no economic independence.[147] Some scholars believe that Knossos was probably more equal in relation to gender than Pylos, though the evidence for this is little and is highly disputed.[148]
الدين
Men and women alike were involved in cult activity. Some women could be elevated to becoming legally independent by becoming priestesses, which appears to be hereditary through both the male and female line. No woman in Mycenae is believed to have been able to "own" land at this time, but priestesses were women who could legally procure land. Through the cult, land was "leased" to them, rather than given to them in ownership. Along with land holding benefits, priestesses often had ties with the upper-class elites, and were usually wealthy themselves.[146] Only a small number of women could become priestesses in Mycenae, but there were other cultic titles that women could aspire to obtain, such as that of Key-bearer. Key-bearers appear to be women who had authority over the sacred treasury of a particular deity, and were able to dispense it in times of need. Though scholars do not have enough evidence to suggest that all Key-bearers could own land and had high status, there is a written record in Linear B of a Key-bearer with elite ties who owned land, so it is possible that they had similar benefits to priestesses. Other religious roles filled by women were the three types of sacred slaves: slave of the God, slave of the Priestess, and slave of the Key-bearer. Though not as grand a title as that of Priestess of Key-Bearer, the sacred slaves were allotted certain benefits fitting their positions in the cult. One other documented position women filled in the cult was called ki-ri-te-wi-ja. Though documented, scholars are not certain exactly what the duties of this role entailed, or what type of women would have filled it. What they do know, however, is that these religious roles afforded the women who occupied them a certain amount of economic autonomy.[147]
القتال
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الحرب
المكان: طروادة (حصارليك الحالية، تركيا) |
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المصادر الأدبية
إلياذة • Epic Cycle • Aeneid, Book 2 • |
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الفصول
زواج پليوس وثتيس • |
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اليونانيون وحلفاؤهم
أگاممنون • أخيل • هلن • منلاوس • نستور •
اودسيوس • أجاكس • Diomedes • پاتروكلوس • Thersites • الآخيون • Myrmidons |
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الطرواديون وحلفاؤهم
الملك پريام • الملكة هكوبا • هكتور • پاريس • كساندرا • Andromache • إنياس • ممنون • Troilus • Penthesilea والأمازونيات |
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موضوعات ذات علاقة
المسألة الهومرية •
حفريات طروادة • Mycenae •
قتال العصر البرونزي |
The military nature of the Mycenaean Greeks is evident from the numerous weapons unearthed, the use of warrior and combat representations in contemporary art, and the preserved Greek Linear B records.[149][150] The Mycenaeans invested in the development of military infrastructure, with military production and logistics being supervised directly from the palatial centers.[150][151] According to the Linear B records in the palace of Pylos, every rural community (the damos) was obliged to supply a certain number of men who had to serve in the army. Similar service was also performed by the aristocracy.[152]
Mycenaean armies were initially based on heavy infantry, equipped with spears, large shields and on some occasions, armor.[153] Later in the 13th century BC, Mycenaean warfare underwent major changes both in tactics and weaponry and armed units became more uniform and flexible, while weapons became smaller and lighter.[150] The spear remained the main weapon among Mycenaean warriors, while the sword played a secondary role in combat.[154] Other offensive weapons used were bows, maces, axes, slings and javelins.[154][155] The precise role and contribution of chariots on the battlefield is a matter of dispute due to the lack of sufficient evidence.[156] It appears that chariots were initially used as fighting vehicles during the 16th to 14th centuries BC, while later, in the 13th century BC, their role was limited to battlefield transport.[157]
The boar's tusk helmet was the most identifiable piece of Mycenaean armor in use from the beginning to the collapse of Mycenaean culture. It is also known from several depictions in contemporary art in Greece and the Mediterranean.[158][159] A representative piece of Mycenaean armor is the Dendra panoply (ح. 1450–1400 BC) which consisted of a cuirass of a complete set of armor made up of several elements of bronze.[160] In general, most features of the later hoplite panoply of classical Greek antiquity, were already known to Mycenaean Greece.[161] "Figure-of-eight" shields were the most common type of Mycenaean shields.[162] During the Late Mycenaean period, smaller types of shields were adopted, either of completely circular shape, or almost circular with a part cut out from their lower edge.[163]
ممارسات الدفن
The usual form of burial during this period was inhumation (burial in the earth, covered by dirt and stones).[164] The earliest Mycenaean burials were mostly in individual graves in the form of a pit or a stone-lined cist and offerings were limited to pottery and occasional items of jewellery.[165] Groups of pit or cist graves containing elite members of the community were sometimes covered by a tumulus (mound) in the manner established since the Middle Helladic.[166] It has been argued that this form dates back to the Kurgan culture;[167] however, Mycenaean burials are in actuality an indigenous development of mainland Greece with the Shaft Graves housing native rulers.[168] Pit and cist graves remained in use for single burials throughout the Mycenaean period alongside more elaborate family graves.[169] The shaft graves at Mycenae within Grave Circles A and B belonging to the same period represent an alternative manner of grouping elite burials. Next to the deceased were found full sets of weapons, ornate staffs as well as gold and silver cups and other valuable objects which point to their social rank.[170]
Beginning also in the Late Helladic period are to be seen communal tombs of rectangular form. Nevertheless, it is difficult to establish whether the different forms of burial represent a social hierarchization, as was formerly thought, with the "tholos" being the tombs of the elite rulers, the individual tombs those of the leisure class, and the communal tombs those of the people. Cremations increased in number over the course of the period, becoming quite numerous in the last phase of the Mycenaean era.[171] The tholos was introduced during the early 15th century BC as the new and more imposing form of elite burial.[172] The most impressive tombs of the Mycenaean era are the monumental royal tombs of Mycenae, undoubtedly intended for the royal family of the city. The most famous is the Treasury of Atreus, a tholos. A total of nine of such tholos tombs are found in the region of Mycenae, while six of them belong to a single period (Late Helladic IIA, ح. 1400–1300 BC).[173] It has been argued that different dynasties or factions may have competed through conspicuous burial.[174]
المطبخ
With respect to Mycenaean cuisine, skewer trays were discovered in Gla, Mycenae, and Pylos.[175] The so-called "souvlaki trays" (or portable grills) used by the Mycenaean Greeks were rectangular ceramic pans that sat underneath skewers of meat.[175] It is not clear whether these trays would have been placed directly over a fire or if the pans would have held hot coals like a portable barbecue pit.[175][176]
الكتابة
In ح. 1600 BC, the Mycenaean Greeks borrowed from the Minoan civilization its syllabic writing system (i.e., Linear A) and developed their own syllabic script known as Linear B.[177] The Linear B script was utilized by the Mycenaean palaces in Greece for administrative purposes where economic transactions were recorded on clay tablets and some pottery in the Mycenaean dialect of the Greek language.[177] The Linear B tablets were first discovered in Crete by English archaeologist Sir Arthur Evans ح. 1900 and later deciphered by English architect and cryptographer Michael Ventris in 1952.[178][179] Ventris's discovery of an archaic Greek dialect in the Linear B tablets demonstrated that Mycenaean Greek was "the oldest known Greek dialect, elements of which survived in Homer's language as a result of a long oral tradition of epic poetry."[177] The written records of every Mycenaean region were similar but the scribes sometimes used words that were probably part of their local dialect. The existence of a common language is probably explained by their shared bureaucratic system and writing script.[180]
الإرث
In the 8th century BC, after the end of the so-called Greek Dark Ages, Greece emerged with a network of myths and legends, the greatest of all being that of the Trojan Epic Cycle.[181] In general, the Greeks of Classical antiquity idealized the Mycenaean period as a glorious period of heroes, closeness of the gods and material wealth.[182] The legends of Homer's Epics were especially and generally accepted as part of the Greek past and it was not until the 19th century that scholars began to question Homer's historicity.[181] At this time, German archaeologist Heinrich Schliemann undertook the first modern archaeological excavations in Greece at the site of Mycenae in 1876.[183] Thus, Schliemann set out to prove the historical accuracy of the Iliad by identifying the places described by Homer.[181]
As part of the Mycenaean heritage that survived, the names of the gods and goddesses of Mycenaean Greece became major figures of the Olympian Pantheon of later antiquity.[184] Moreover, the language of the Mycenaeans offers the first written evidence of Greek,[185] while a significant part of the Mycenaean vocabulary can also be found in modern English.[186]
The Mycenaean Greeks were also pioneers in the field of engineering, launching large-scale projects unmatched in Europe until the Roman period, such as fortifications, bridges, culverts, aqueducts, dams and roads suitable for wheeled traffic. They also made several architectural innovations, such as the relieving triangle.[187] They were also responsible for transmitting a wide range of arts and crafts, especially of Minoan origin. The Mycenaean civilization was in general more advanced compared to the Late Bronze Age cultures of the rest of Europe.[188] Several Mycenaean attributes and achievements were borrowed or held in high regard in later periods, so it would be no exaggeration to consider Mycenaean Greece as a cradle of civilization.[187]
There are scholars who identify the Sea Peoples who migrated to the Near East as Mycenaean Greeks.[189][190] In a 2020 study by Polish historian Łukasz Niesiołowski-Spanò, a group of people known from the Bible – the Levites – were linguistically identified with the Greek term *la-wo (in later Greek laoi) – "the people" or "armed men".[191] Niesiołowski-Spanò concluded that the Levites were a group of Mycenaean Greek mercenaries who managed to settle down in Canaan and integrate with the local population, preserving their own group name.[191]
الدراسات الجينية والمقاسات
A cephalometric analysis by Argyropoulos et al. (1989) published in The Angle Orthodontist showed remarkable similarity in craniofacial morphology between ancient Greeks (including Mycenaeans) and modern Greeks, suggesting a close affinity, and that the Greek ethnic group remained stable in its cephalic and facial morphology for the last 4,000 years.[192]
A craniofacial morphological study by Papagrigorakis et al. (2014) published in Anthropologischer Anzeiger also indicated craniological similarities between modern Greeks and ancient Greeks (including Mycenaeans), indicating continuity.[193]
In an archaeogenetic study published in Nature, Lazaridis et al. (2017) found that Minoans and Mycenaean Greeks were genetically highly similar, but not identical; modern Greeks resembled the Mycenaeans, but with some additional dilution of the early Neolithic ancestry. Furthermore, proposed migrations by Egyptian or Phoenician colonists was not discernible in their data, thus "rejecting the hypothesis that the cultures of the Aegean were seeded by migrants from the old civilizations of these regions." The FST between the sampled Bronze Age populations and present-day West Eurasians was estimated, finding that Mycenaean Greeks and Minoans were least differentiated from the populations of modern Greece, Cyprus, Albania, and Italy.[194][195][196][197]
A genetic study by Clemente et al. (2021) found that in the Early Bronze Age, the populations of the Minoan, Helladic, and Cycladic civilizations in the Aegean, were genetically homogeneous. In contrast, during the Middle Bronze Age, this population was more differentiated due to gene flow from a Yamnaya-related population from the Pontic–Caspian steppe. Sequenced genomes of Middle Bronze Age (MBA) individuals from northern Greece had ~50% Pontic-Caspian Steppe-related ancestry; the timing of this gene flow was estimated at ~2300 BC (ح. 2600–2000 BC), and is consistent with the dominant linguistic theories explaining the emergence of the Proto-Greek language. Present-day Greeks share about 90% of their ancestry with them, suggesting continuity between the two time periods. In the case of Mycenaeans however, this steppe-related ancestry was diluted. The ancestry of the Mycenaeans could be explained via a 2-way admixture model of such MBA individuals in northern Greece, and either an EBA Aegean or MBA Minoan population.[198]
A study by Lazaridis et al. (2022) analysed 21 new Mycenaean samples and one new Minoan sample, along with previously published samples. The study found that Mycenaeans were differentiated from Minoans by an influx of western steppe (Yamnaya-like) ancestry, with Mycenaean samples having approximately 8.6±2% steppe/Yamnaya-like ancestry on average, comprising 4.3±1% Eastern European Hunter-Gatherer (EHG) ancestry on average and an approximately matching amount of Caucasus hunter-gatherer ancestry (4.3±1% on average), though some of the Mycenaeans lacked steppe ancestry altogether.[199][200] Individual Mycenaean samples from mainland Greece had proportions of EHG ancestry ranging from 0% up to 19±7% at Kastrouli, or 12±2% at the Palace of Nestor.[201][202] Another Mycenaean individual from Crete, dating from ح. 1370 BC (Crete Armenoi) had 24±6% EHG ancestry.[202] The remaining (non steppe-related) Mycenaean ancestry was similar to that of the Minoans and the Early Bronze Age population of mainland Greece, and elite Mycenaean samples (from the Palace of Nestor at Pylos and its environs) did not differ from the general population in terms of their average ancestral composition.[202] According to Lazaridis et al. these results strongly support the hypothesis that Mycenaeans were the outcome of admixture between descendants of Yamnaya-like steppe migrants and a Minoan-like population,[199] with steppe migrants considered to be Indo-European speakers and progenitors of the Greek language.[200] Minoans were predominantly of Early European Farmer ancestry (74±3% on average), with additional Caucasus Hunter-Gatherer ancestry (18.2±1.2% on average). Lazaridis et al. also identified Levant Pre-Pottery Neolithic ancestry in some Minoan and Mycenaean individuals.[202] Three post-Mycenaean samples—one found near the Palace of Nestor dated to c. 1070–950 BC, and two found near Delphi dated to c. 800–500 BC—don't appear to show a sign of external influence.[202]
In a comment on the study by Lazaridis et al. (2022), Paul Heggarty of the Max Planck Institute expressed doubts regarding the connection between the "small contribution in Mycenaean Greece" of the "ancestral mix of Yamnaya culture" and the steppe as the "earliest, original source" of Indo-European languages.[203]
A study by Skourtanioti et al. (2023) generated genome-wide data from 95 Bronze Age individuals from mainland Greece and the Aegean, which was analysed in the context of all previously published samples from the region.[204] Mycenaean (Late Bronze Age) individuals were found to deviate from Early Bronze Age individuals in the direction of Central and Eastern European Bronze Age populations, due to having western steppe-related ancestry not found in the earlier samples. The potential source of this ancestry included related groups from Serbia (Early Bronze Age), Croatia (Middle Bronze Age), Italy (Early and Middle Bronze Age), 'Western Steppe Eneolithic-Bronze Age', and 'Germany Corded Ware'; the latter two were found to be the most adequate sources, but "at the moment it is not possible to more closely identify the region(s) from where this genetic affinity was derived." Using 'Germany Corded Ware' as a source proxy, it was estimated that Mycenaeans from the southern Greek mainland had 22.3% steppe-related ancestry on average, whereas Late Bronze Age individuals from nearby islands and the Cyclades had slightly lower amounts of this ancestry, and one individual from the island of Salamis had none; in Crete, samples dating from the 17th to the 16th centuries BC had minimal or no such steppe-related ancestry, whereas later samples dating from ح. 1300 BC varied from 0% to approximately 40% steppe-related ancestry.[205] This influx of steppe-related ancestry was related to Mycenaean domination of the island from the 15th century BC onwards, and was possibly also due in part to later migrations from more distant areas such as Italy.[206]
| Date | Location | Sex | mtDNA[أ] | Y-DNA[ب] |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| ح. 1700 BC | Chania, Crete | Male | T2b | CT |
| ح. 1700 BC | Apatheia Galatas, Peloponnese | Male | X2 | J2a1 |
| ح. 1700 BC | Apatheia Galatas, Peloponnese | Female | X2 | – |
| ح. 1626 BC | Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese | Female | H26b | – |
| ح. 1626 BC | Lazarides, Aegina | Female | T1a5 | – |
| ح. 1613 BC | Proskynas, Phthiotis | Male | ? | J |
| ح. 1612 BC | Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese | Male | T1a4 | J2b2a1 |
| ح. 1611 BC | Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese | Male | K1a | J2b2a1 |
| ح. 1611 BC | Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese | Male | K1a | J2b2a1 |
| ح. 1610 BC | Kolikrepi-Spata, Attica | Female | T2c1+146 | – |
| ح. 1609 BC | Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese | Male | U8b1a2b | G2a2a1 |
| ح. 1596 BC | Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese | Female | U3c | – |
| ح. 1520 BC | Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese | Male | ? | F |
| ح. 1516 BC | Kolikrepi-Spata, Attica | Female | HV | – |
| ح. 1505 BC | Kolikrepi-Spata, Attica | Female | HV0a | – |
| ح. 1504 BC | Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese | Male | U8b1a2b | J2b2a1 |
| ح. 1500 BC | Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese | Male | R0a1a | C1a2 |
| ح. 1500 BC | Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese | Female | K1a2c | – |
| ح. 1497 BC | Kolikrepi-Spata, Attica | Male | H5 | J2a1a2b2a2b2~ |
| ح. 1440 BC | Tiryns, Argolid, Peloponnese | Male | W1h1 | J2a1a1a2 |
| ح. 1429 BC | Glyka Nera, Attica | Male | ? | R1b1a1b |
| ح. 1424 BC | Lazarides, Aegina | Male | H | G2a |
| ح. 1421 BC | Glyka Nera, Attica | Male | U3c | J2a1a |
| ح. 1416 BC | Peristeria Tryfilia, Peloponnese | Female | H | – |
| ح. 1411 BC | Agia Kyriaki, Salamis | Female | X2d | – |
| ح. 1410 BC | Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese | Female | J1c1 | – |
| ح. 1403 BC | Lazarides, Aegina | Female | K2a2a | – |
| ح. 1403 BC | Tiryns, Argolid, Peloponnese | Male | H13a2a | J2a |
| ح. 1400 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | H41a | – |
| ح. 1400 BC | Chania, Crete | Male | K1a+195 | J2a1a1a2 |
| ح. 1400 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | N1a1b | – |
| ح. 1400 BC | Chania, Crete | Male | ? | G2 |
| ح. 1400 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | H4a1 | – |
| ح. 1397 BC | Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis | Female | K1a2 | – |
| ح. 1394 BC | Tiryns, Argolid, Peloponnese | Female | V | – |
| ح. 1386 BC | Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis | Male | H2 | G2a2b |
| ح. 1382 BC | Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis | Male | W1 | J2a1a2b2a2b2~ |
| ح. 1375 BC | Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese | Female | U5a1d2b | – |
| ح. 1375 BC | Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese | Male | N1b1a2 | J2a |
| ح. 1375 BC | Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese | Male | N1b1a2 | J2a2~ |
| ح. 1375 BC | Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese | Male | ? | R1b1a1b |
| ح. 1371 BC | Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis | Male | K2b | G |
| ح. 1367 BC | Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis | Female | U3b1b | – |
| ح. 1360 BC | Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese | Male | H7 | G |
| ح. 1360 BC | Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese | Male | ? | G2a2a1a2a1a1 |
| ح. 1360 BC | Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese | Female | J1c+16261 | – |
| ح. 1360 BC | Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese | Female | K1c1 | – |
| ح. 1350 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | W1h1 | – |
| ح. 1350 BC | Chania, Crete | Male | ? | CT |
| ح. 1350 BC | Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis | Male | T2c1d1 | G2a2b2b1a1a2 |
| ح. 1350 BC | Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis | Female | U3b | – |
| ح. 1350 BC | Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis | Female | U3b1 | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | H7c | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Male | H4a1 | E1b1b1a1b |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | H1bm | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | HV1a'b'c | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Male | H | J2a/J2a1a~ |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Male | J2b1 | R1b1a1b |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Male | K1a4b1 | J2a1a1a2 |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | N1'5 | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | HV1 | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Male | H1 | G2a2b2a |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | H1e | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | H1 | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | H1az | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | W6 | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | HV4a1+16291 | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Male | X2 | J2a |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Female | H1m | – |
| ح. 1300 BC | Chania, Crete | Male | J2b1 | G2a |
| ح. 1200 BC | Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese | Male | N1a1a1a3 | R1b1a1b2a |
| ح. 1200 BC | Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese | Male | ? | R1b1a1b |
| ح. 1200 BC | Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese | Male | X | R1b1a1b |
| ح. 1175 BC | Koukounaries, Paros | Female | H5a2 | – |
| ح. 1175 BC | Koukounaries, Paros | Male | U1a1a | J1/J1b |
| ح. 1175 BC | Koukounaries, Paros | Female | J2b1b1 | – |
| ح. 1175 BC | Koukounaries, Paros | Female | H+16291 | – |
انظر أيضاً
- اللغة الموكنية
- الحضارات الإيجية
- Alice Kober
- Archaeological Museum of Chora
- Cadmea
- Palace of Nestor
- Submycenaean
المراجع
ملاحظات
- ^ The extent to which Homer attempted to or succeeded in recreating a "Mycenaean" setting is examined in Moses I. Finley, The World of Odysseus, 1954.[209]
الهامش
- ^ Fields 2004, pp. 10–11.
- ^ Hammond 1976, p. 139: "Moreover, in this area a small tholos-tomb with Mycenaean pottery of III B style and a Mycenaean acropolis have been reported at Kiperi near Parga, and another Mycenaean acropolis lay above the Oracle of the Dead on the hill called Xylokastro."
- ^ Tandy 2001, p. xii (Fig. 1); p. 2: "The strongest evidence for Mycenaean presence in Epirus is found in the coastal zone of the lower Acheron River, which in antiquity emptied into a bay on the Ionian coast known from ancient sources as Glykys Limin (Figure 2-A)."
- ^ Borza 1992, p. 64: "The existence of a Late Bronze Age Mycenaean settlement in the Petra not only confirms its importance as a route from an early period, but also extends the limits of Mycenaean settlement to the Macedonian frontier."
- ^ Aegeo-Balkan Prehistory – Mycenaean Sites
- ^ van Wijngaarden 2002, Part II: The Levant, pp. 31–124; Bietak & Czerny 2007, Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, "Mycenaeans and Philistines in the Levant", pp. 501–629.
- ^ van Wijngaarden 2002, Part III: Cyprus, pp. 125–202.
- ^ Peruzzi 1980; van Wijngaarden 2002, Part IV: The Central Mediterranean, pp. 203–260.
- ^ The extent to which Homer attempted to or succeeded in recreating a "Mycenaean" setting is examined in Moses I. Finley The World of Odysseus, 1954.
- ^ ديورانت, ول; ديورانت, أرييل. قصة الحضارة. ترجمة بقيادة زكي نجيب محمود.
- ^ Chadwick 1976, p. 617.
- ^ Latacz 2004, pp. 159, 165, 208–209.
- ^ Latacz 2004, pp. 159, 165.
- ^ Beckwith 2009, p. 43.
- ^ أ ب Latacz 2004, p. 120.
- ^ Latacz 2004, p. 138.
- ^ Hajnal & Posch 2009, pp. 1–2.
- ^ أ ب Kelder 2010, pp. 46–47.
- ^ Kelder 2010, pp. 37–38; Latacz 2004, p. 159.
- ^ أ ب Beckman, Bryce & Cline 2012, p. 4.
- ^ Latacz 2004, p. 123.
- ^ Bryce 2005, p. 58.
- ^ Latacz 2004, p. 122.
- ^ Bryce 2005, p. 357.
- ^ خطأ استشهاد: وسم
<ref>غير صحيح؛ لا نص تم توفيره للمراجع المسماةBryce 2005 361 - ^ أ ب ت Beckman, Bryce & Cline 2012, p. 6.
- ^ Kelder 2010, pp. 119–120.
- ^ Bryce 2005, p. 59; Kelder 2010, p. 23.
- ^ Bryce 2005, pp. 129, 368.
- ^ Bryce 2005, p. 193.
- ^ Kelder 2010, p. 26.
- ^ Bryce 2005, p. 58; Kelder 2010, pp. 119–120.
- ^ Bryce 2005, p. 224.
- ^ أ ب Kelder 2010, p. 27.
- ^ Bryce 2005, pp. 361, 364.
- ^ Bryce 2005, p. 290.
- ^ أ ب Kelder 2010, p. 34.
- ^ Millek, Jesse (2023). Destruction and Its Impact on Ancient Societies at the End of the Bronze Age. Lockwood Press. pp. 74–75, 139–142. ISBN 978-1-948488-84-6.
- ^ أ ب Cline 2014, p. 130.
- ^ أ ب Castleden 2005, p. 219.
- ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح خ Freeman 2014, p. 126.
- ^ Kelder 2010, p. 33.
- ^ Kelder 2010, p. 32.
- ^ Tartaron 2013, p. 20.
- ^ Hinzen, Klaus-G.; Maran, Joseph; Hinojosa-Prieto, Hector; Damm-Meinhardt, Ursula; Reamer, Sharon K.; Tzislakis, Jana; Kemna, Kilian; Schweppe, Gregor; Fleischer, Claus; Demakopoulou, Katie (2018-03-27). "Reassessing the Mycenaean Earthquake Hypothesis: Results of the HERACLES Project from Tiryns and Midea, Greece". Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America. 108 (3A): 1046–1070. Bibcode:2018BuSSA.108.1046H. doi:10.1785/0120170348. ISSN 0037-1106.
- ^ Millek 2023, pp. 147–156.
- ^ Cline 2014, p. 129.
- ^ أ ب Tartaron 2013, p. 18.
- ^ Salavoura, Eleni (2021). "New opportunities in turbulent times: Attica in the 12th c. BC". EAA 2021, Widening Horizons, 8–11 September, Kiel.
- ^ Zeman, Piotr (2021). "Differing trajectories of collapse in the Late Bronze Age Argolid: Mycenae and Tiryns from 1250 BC to 1100 BC". EAA 2021, Widening Horizons, 8–11 September, Kiel.
- ^ Mylonas 1966, pp. 227–228.
- ^ Mylonas 1966, pp. 231–232.
- ^ Drews 1993, p. 49.
- ^ أ ب Tartaron 2013, p. 19.
- ^ Alexakha 2016, pp. 164–169.
- ^ Freeman 2014, p. 127.
- ^ أ ب Kelder 2010, p. 9.
- ^ Kelder 2010, p. 97.
- ^ Kelder 2010, pp. 8–9.
- ^ Kelder 2010, pp. 45, 86, 107.
- ^ Kelder 2010, pp. 86–87.
- ^ Thomas 1995, p. 350.
- ^ أ ب Kelder 2010, p. 8.
- ^ أ ب ت ث ج Chadwick 1976, Chapter 5: Social Structure and Administrative System, pp. 69–83.
- ^ أ ب Kelder 2010, p. 11.
- ^ Fields 2004, p. 57.
- ^ Chadwick 1976, pp. 71–72.
- ^ δῆμος. Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert; An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon at the Perseus Project.
- ^ δοῦλος. Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert; A Greek–English Lexicon at the Perseus Project
- ^ Wood, J. R.; Hsu, Y-T.; Bell, C. (2021). "Sending Laurion Back to the Future: Bronze Age Silver and the Source of Confusion". Internet Archaeology. 56 (9). doi:10.11141/ia.56.9. S2CID 236973111.
- ^ Hood 1978, pp. 227–228 (p. 228 quoted).
- ^ أ ب ت ث Castleden 2005, p. 135.
- ^ Castleden 2005, pp. 135–137: "Large kraters decorated in Pictorial Style are found almost exclusively in Cyprus, and for a long time it was naturally assumed that they were manufactured there, but a few examples have been found on the Greek mainland, mostly near Mycenae, and it has now been established that they were all manufactured at workshops close to Mycenae, probably at Berbati just to the east of the city, where there are the right clay sources. The ware was probably specifically made for export to Cyprus, where they were used as centerpieces for drinking ceremonies. The decoration appears to have been painted on at high speed and the effect is sometimes crude; Reynold Higgins calls it 'barbarous', which is a fair description, but the scenes showing warriors, horses and chariots can still tell us much about everyday life in Mycenaean Greece, and as much again about Mycenaean religious beliefs and mythology. One krater from Enkomi in Cyprus shows a charioteer with his groom riding along, perhaps into battle, while a long-robed god, Zeus perhaps, stands in his way holding the scales of destiny that will decide his fate. It is an archetypal scene reminiscent of several in the Iliad, where the gods are shown intervening in battle and deciding the outcome."
- ^ Furumark 1941, p. 78: "There are two types of Mycenaean lamps. One of these (type 321) has a broad horizontal lip with two opposite depressions for wicks. This type is the clay version of a Minoan stone lamp, known in many examples both from Crete and from the Mainland. The other (type 321 a) has one wick-spout and a handle at the opposite side."
- ^ Castleden 2005, pp. 56, 166.
- ^ Schofield 2006, p. 107.
- ^ French 1971, pp. 101–187.
- ^ See account of their use in K.A. and Diana Wardle "The Child's Cache at Assiros, Macedonia", in Sally Crawford and Gillian Shepherd (eds): Children, Childhood and Society: Institute for Archaeology and Antiquity Interdisciplinary Studies (Volume I) Oxford: Archaeopress, 2007.
- ^ Hägg & Marinatos 1981, Robin Hägg, "Official and Popular Cults in Mycenaean Greece", pp. 35–39
- ^ Moore, Taylour & French 1999
- ^ Renfrew, Mountjoy & Macfarlane 1985
- ^ أ ب ت ث Fields 2004, p. 10.
- ^ Schofield 2006, p. 78.
- ^ أ ب ت Fields 2004, p. 11.
- ^ Tandy 2001, p. 20: "In LH IBBB (ca. 1310-1190), Mycenaean material culture spread widely throughout coastal and inland Epirus; in this period Mycenaean engagement in Epirus was strongest, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Though the Kiperi tholos may have gone out of use early in LH IIIB, the Cyclopean wall found there, as well as those at Ephyra, Kastriza, and Ayia Eleni, cannot have been built (and probably after) LH IIIB."
- ^ Iacovou 2013, p. 610. Iacovou quotes Vassos Karageorghis who states that "The introduction of 'Cyclopean'-type walls at the very beginning of the LC IIIA period at Enkomi, Kition, Sinda and Maa-Palaeokastron was due to the arrival of Mycenaean settlers in Cyprus."
- ^ Kelder 2010, p. 127.
- ^ Fields 2004, p. 44.
- ^ Kelder 2010, p. 107.
- ^ خطأ استشهاد: وسم
<ref>غير صحيح؛ لا نص تم توفيره للمراجع المسماةKelder109 - ^ Wikander 1990, p. 288; Shear 2000, p. 134.
- ^ أ ب Kelder 2010, p. 115.
- ^ Castleden 2005, p. 146.
- ^ Castleden 2005, p. 157.
- ^ Kelder 2010, p. 114.
- ^ Castleden 2005, p. 144.
- ^ Castleden 2005, p. 160.
- ^ Paul, Adams John (10 January 2010). "Mycenaean Divinities". Northridge, CA: California State University. Retrieved 25 September 2013.
- ^ أ ب ت Castleden 2005, p. 143.
- ^ Nilsson 1940.
- ^ Nilsson 1967, Volume I, pp. 500–504; Chadwick 1976, p. 88: "Pa-ja-wo suggested Homeric Paieon, which earlier would have been Paiawon, later Paidn, an alternative name of Apollo, if not again a separate god."
- ^ أ ب ت Chadwick 1976, p. 95
- ^ Chadwick 1976, pp. 95, 99.
- ^ Nilsson 1967, Volume I, pp. 565–568.
- ^ Chadwick 1976, p. 99.
- ^ Chadwick & Baumbach 1963, p. 176f.
- ^ Kn V 52 (text 208 in Ventris and Chadwick); Chadwick 1976, p. 88.
- ^ أ ب Mylonas 1966, p. 159.
- ^ Chadwick 1976, pp. 92–93.
- ^ Mylonas 1966, p. 159: "Wa-na-ssoi, wa-na-ka-te, (to the two queens and the king). Wanax is best suited to Poseidon, the special divinity of Pylos. The identity of the two divinities addressed as wanassoi, is uncertain."
- ^ Chadwick 1976, p. 76.
- ^ Olsen 2014, p. 7.
- ^ أ ب ت Cline 2012, p. 145.
- ^ Cline 2012, p. 242.
- ^ أ ب Budin 2009, p. 94.
- ^ Chadwick 1976, p. 152.
- ^ Olsen 2014, p. 6.
- ^ Budin 2009, p. 96.
- ^ Tartaron 2013, p. 24.
- ^ أ ب ت Kelder 2010, p. 116.
- ^ (9 May 2013) "Pottery Production at the Late Mycenaean site of Alimos, Attica" in Materials and Industries in the Mycenaean World: Current Approaches to the Study of Materials and Industries in Prehistoric Greece, University of Nottingham, 9–10 May 2013.: 13–14.
- ^ Kelder 2010, p. 117.
- ^ أ ب ت Cline 2007, p. 200.
- ^ Stubbings 1951, IV: Mycenaean II Pottery in Syria and Palestine; V: Mycenaean III Pottery in Syria and Palestine.
- ^ Petrie 1894.
- ^ Cline 2012, pp. 300, 387, 787.
- ^ Castleden 2005, p. 107: "Huge quantities of olive oil were produced and it must have been a major source of wealth. The simple fact that southern Greece is far more suitable climatically for olive production may explain why the Mycenaean civilization made far greater advances in the south than in the north. The oil had a variety of uses, in cooking, as a dressing, as soap, as lamp oil, and as a base for manufacturing unguents."
- ^ Tartaron 2013, p. 29; Kling 1989; Nikolaou 1973; International Archaeological Symposium 1973.
- ^ Cline 2007, p. 197.
- ^ Cline 2007, p. 196.
- ^ Boston University – The Historical Society.
- ^ Tartaron 2013, p. 22; Feuer 2004, pp. 155–157; Balmuth & Tykot 1998, "The Mycenaeans in Sardinia", p. 400; Runnels & Murray 2001, p. 15.
- ^ Ridgway 1992, p. 4; Taylour 1958; Fisher 1998; Runnels & Murray 2001, p. 15; Vianello 2005, "Eastern Sicily and the Aeolian Islands", p. 51; Feuer 2004, pp. 155–157; van Wijngaarden 2002, Part IV: The Central Mediterranean, pp. 203–260.
- ^ de la Cruz 1988, pp. 77–92; Ridgway 1992, p. 3; Runnels & Murray 2001, p. 15.
- ^ Castleden 2005.
- ^ "Amber object bearing Linear B symbols" (in الألمانية). Freising. 1999. Archived from the original on 30 August 2016. Retrieved 9 February 2018.
- ^ Budin 2009, p. 53: "One of the most extraordinary examples of the extent of Mycenaean influence was the Pelynt Dagger, a fragment of a Late Helladic III sword, which has come to light in the tomb of a Wessex chieftain in southern England!"
- ^ Feuer 2004, p. 259.
- ^ "Ancient Drug Trade Unearthed". CBS News. 7 August 2002. Retrieved 19 January 2021.
- ^ "Traces of opiates found in ancient Cypriot vessel". University of York. 3 October 2018. Retrieved 19 January 2021.
- ^ Cockburn, Harry (3 October 2018). "Bronze Age saw flourishing drug trade, opium discovered in ancient vase reveals". Independent. Archived from the original on 18 June 2022. Retrieved 19 January 2021.
- ^ أ ب Whittaker von Hofsten 2007, pp. 3–18.
- ^ Hughes-Brock 1999, pp. 277–296.
- ^ Stocker & Davis 2017, pp. 588–589.
- ^ Evans 1930, pp. 502, 691.
- ^ أ ب Billigmeier & Turner 1981, pp. 3–20.
- ^ أ ب Olsen 2015, pp. 107–138.
- ^ Olsen 2014.
- ^ Cline 2012, p. 305.
- ^ أ ب ت Cline 2012, p. 313.
- ^ Palaima 1999, pp. 367–368.
- ^ D'Amato & Salimbeti 2011, p. 10.
- ^ Howard 2011, p. 7.
- ^ أ ب Howard 2011, p. 50.
- ^ Schofield 2006, p. 306; D'Amato & Salimbeti 2011, p. 13.
- ^ Howard 2011, p. 63.
- ^ Fields 2004, p. 22.
- ^ Schofield 2006, p. 119.
- ^ D'Amato & Salimbeti 2011, p. 23.
- ^ D'Amato & Salimbeti 2011, p. 27.
- ^ Kagan & Viggiano 2013, p. 36: "In fact, most of the essential items of the "hoplite panoply" were known to Mycenaean Greece, including the metallic helmet and the single thrusting spear."
- ^ D'Amato & Salimbeti 2011, p. 20.
- ^ Cline 2012, p. 312; Schofield 2006, p. 123.
- ^ Cavanagh & Mee 1998.
- ^ Taylour, French & Wardle 2007; Alden 2000.
- ^ Pelon 1976.
- ^ Hammond 1967, p. 90.
- ^ Dickinson 1977, pp. 33–34, 53, 59–60.
- ^ Lewartowski 2000.
- ^ Dickinson 1977, pp. 53, 107; Anthony 2007, p. 48.
- ^ Papadimitriou 2001.
- ^ Castleden 2005, p. 97.
- ^ Kelder 2010, p. 95.
- ^ Graziado 1991, pp. 403–440.
- ^ أ ب ت Hruby 2017, "Souvlaki trays", pp. 23–25.
- ^ Gannon, Megan (8 January 2014). "Ancient Greeks Used Portable Grills at Their Picnics". Live Science. Retrieved 5 February 2020.
- ^ أ ب ت "Linear A and Linear B". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved 3 March 2016.
- ^ "Sir Arthur Evans". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved 3 March 2016.
- ^ "Michael Ventris". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved 3 March 2016.
- ^ Gschnitzer, Fritz; Chaniotis, Angelos (May 2012). Ιστορία της Αρχαίας Ελληνικής Κοινωνίας (in اليونانية). National Bank of Greece Cultural Foundation. p. 43. ISBN 978-960-250-480-2.
- ^ أ ب ت Castleden 2005, p. 2.
- ^ Hansen 2004, p. 7.
- ^ Sansone 2004, "Greece in the Bronze Age", pp. 7–8.
- ^ Castleden 2005, p. 235.
- ^ Castleden 2005, p. 228.
- ^ Vallance, Richard (2015). "Did you Know you Speak Mycenaean Greek? You do!". academia.edu. Retrieved 30 March 2016.
Whether we realize it or not, not only are tens of thousands of English words direct derivatives of ancient Greek, but some are derived even from Mycenaean Greek, which makes them very ancient indeed!
- ^ أ ب Castleden 2005, p. 231
- ^ Castleden 2005, p. 230.
- ^ Niesiołowski-Spano, Łukasz (2016). Goliath's Legacy. Philistines and Hebrews in Biblical Times. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.
- ^ Yasur-Landau, Asaf (2010). The Philistines and Aegean Migration at the End of the Late Bronze Age. Cambridge: CUP.
- ^ أ ب Niesiołowski-Spano, Łukasz (2020). "The Levites,*ra-wo,λᾶός/λαοί–A new proposal for lexical and historical relationship". Biblica. 101, 3 (3): 444–452. doi:10.2143/BIB.101.3.3288731.
- ^ Argyropoulos, E.; Sassouni, V.; Xeniotou, A. (1989). "A comparative cephalometric investigation of the Greek craniofacial pattern through 4,000 years". The Angle Orthodontist. 59 (3): 195–204. ISSN 0003-3219. PMID 2672905.
- ^ Papagrigorakis, Manolis J.; Kousoulis, Antonis A.; Synodinos, Philippos N. (2014-06-01). "Craniofacial morphology in ancient and modern Greeks through 4,000 years". Anthropologischer Anzeiger (in الإنجليزية). 71 (3): 237–257. doi:10.1127/0003-5548/2014/0277. ISSN 0003-5548. PMID 25065118.
- ^ أ ب Lazaridis et al. 2017
- ^ "Ancient DNA analysis reveals Minoan and Mycenaean origins". phys.org (in الإنجليزية). Retrieved 2021-07-28.
- ^ Gibbons, Ann (2017-08-02). "The Greeks really do have near-mythical origins, ancient DNA reveals". Science Magazine (in الإنجليزية). Retrieved 2021-08-05.
- ^ Gannon, Megan (2017-08-03). "More than Myth: Ancient DNA Reveals Roots of 1st Greek Civilizations". LiveScience (in الإنجليزية). Retrieved 2021-08-05.
- ^ Clemente et al. 2021
- ^ أ ب Lazaridis 2022a
- ^ أ ب Lazaridis et al. 2022b
- ^ Lazaridis 2022a, Fig. 1D
- ^ أ ب ت ث ج Lazaridis et al. 2022b, Supplementary Materials: pp. 233–241
- ^ Heggarty, Paul (2022). "Redefining Indo European Origins? [eLetter comment on Lazaridis et al. 2022 in Science: 'The genetic history of the Southern Arc: A bridge between West Asia and Europe']". Science.
- ^ Skourtanioti et al. 2023
- ^ Skourtanioti et al. 2023: "We found various sources ranging from East Europe, to Central and South Europe adequately fitting most models for the LBA Aegean groups. The smaller and heterogeneous sample of BA Bulgarian individuals or BA Sicily did not fit. Models with Serbia (EBA), Croatia (MBA) and Italy (EMBA) were adequate most of the time, while those with 'W. Eurasian Steppe En-BA' (En, Eneolithic) or some Central European source (for example, Germany LN-EBA 'Corded Ware') were adequate for all groups at the P ≥ 0.01 cutoff. Therefore, at the moment it is not possible to more closely identify the region(s) from where this genetic affinity was derived. Among the groups of the southern mainland, the estimated coefficients of the WES-related ancestry are overlapping (±1 s.e.) and average to 22.3% (Fig. 4a) ... Fig. 4 ... a, Estimated mean coefficient (coeff.) (±1 s.e.) of additional ancestry (WES-related) using as proxy a BA Central European population ('Germany LN-EBA Corded Ware'). ..."
- ^ Skourtanioti et al. 2023: "However, two-way models with all of the above sources as well as 'Mainland MLBA' fit the allele frequencies of all the LBA individuals from Crete ('Crete LBA'). This also applied when we modelled the two clusters from LBA Crete separately (Fig. 4a and Supplementary Table 9) but for the Crete LBA (group C) with high WES ancestry (individuals XAN030, KRO008, KRO009 and published Armenoi), just one source from 'Mainland MLBA' became adequate. ... A more direct demographic connection can be proposed regarding the LBA Cretan and Greek mainland populations. Following an horizon of destructions targeting palatial centres and elite symbols in Crete (Late Minoan IB), material culture, funerary architecture and burial practices are believed to express innovations with features traditionally ascribed to the Mycenaean culture. On these grounds, an invasion of the island by people from the Greek mainland (around fifteenth century BC) has been proposed but remains highly contested. While unable to settle this debate decisively, the genetic analyses demonstrate that Cretan populations at larger port cities biologically mixed with populations coming to the island during the course of a few centuries. The presence of individuals with some of the highest Western Eurasian Steppe-related ancestry proportions within the Late Bronze Age Aegean (Crete LBA group C), despite fitting with a scenario that the Greek mainland was the only source of incoming people, could also suggest that populations from more distant areas (for example, Italy) contributed to the Crete LBA transition, a possibility that is supported in the material culture as well."
- ^ Lazaridis et al. 2022b, Supplementary Materials: Data S1
- ^ Skourtanioti et al. 2023, Supplementary information: pp. 11–31, 39–61, Supplementary Table 2
- ^ Finley 2002.
المصادر
الهوامش
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{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Shear, Ione Mylonas (January 2000). "Excavations on the Acropolis of Midea: Results of the Greek–Swedish Excavations under the Direction of Katie Demakopoulou and Paul Åström". American Journal of Archaeology. 104 (1): 133–134.
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{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Tandy, David W. (2001). Prehistory and History: Ethnicity, Class and Political Economy. Montréal, Québec, Canada: Black Rose Books Limited. ISBN 1-55164-188-7.
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{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Vianello, Andrea (2005). Late Bronze Age Mycenaean and Italic Products in the West Mediterranean: A Social and Economic Analysis. Oxford: Archaeopress. ISBN 978-1-84-171875-0.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Wardle, K.A.; Wardle, Diana (1997). Cities of Legend: The Mycenaean World. London: Bristol Classical Press. ISBN 978-1-85-399355-8.
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{{cite journal}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help)
قراءات إضافية
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وصلات خارجية
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