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قالب:Wittgenstein

لودڤيگ ڤيتگن‌شتاين
Ludwig Wittgenstein
35. Portrait of Wittgenstein.jpg
Portrait of Wittgenstein on being awarded a scholarship from Trinity College, Cambridge, 1929
وُلِدَ26 أبريل 1889
Neuwaldegg (de)، ڤيينا، النمسا-المجر
توفيكمبردج، المملكة المتحدة
الجنسية
  • Austrian (until 1939[1])
  • British (from 1939)
التعليم
العمل البارز
Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus
Philosophical Investigations
العصرفلسفة القرن العشرين
المنطقةالفلسفة الغربية
المدرسة
الهيئاتTrinity College, Cambridge
الأطروحةTractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1929)
المشرف على الدكتوراهBertrand Russell
طلاب بارزونG. E. M. Anscombe, Rush Rhees, Casimir Lewy,[9] Reuben Goodstein,[10] Norman Malcolm
الاهتمامات الرئيسية
المنطق, ميتافيزيقا, فلسفة اللغة, فلسفة الرياضيات, فلسفة العقل, Epistemology
الأفكار البارزة
Military career
الولاء النمسا-المجر
الخدمة/الفرعجيش النمسا-المجر
سنين الخدمة1914–1918
الرتبةLieutenant
الوحدةAustrian 7th Army
المعارك/الحروبالحرب العالمية الأولى
الأوسمة- Military Merit with Swords on the Ribbon
- Silver Medal for Valour, First Class
- Band of the Military Service Medal with Swords
الموقع الإلكترونيwab.uib.no
wittgen-cam.ac.uk
التوقيع
Ludwig Wittgenstein signature.svg

لودڤيگ يوزف يوهان ڤيتگنشتاين Ludwig Josef Johann Wittgenstein (و. 26 أبريل, 1889 - 29 أبريل, 1951) كان فيلسوفاً نمساوياً عمل بصفة رئيسية على أساسات المنطق وفلسفة الرياضيات وفلسفة العقل وفلسفة اللغة.[11] كان تأثيره واسعاً ويعتبر على نطاق كبير بأنه أحد أهم فلاسفة القرن العشرين.[12]

His philosophy is often divided into an early period, exemplified by the Tractatus, and a later period, articulated primarily in the Philosophical Investigations.[13] The "early Wittgenstein" was concerned with the logical relationship between propositions and the world, and he believed that by providing an account of the logic underlying this relationship, he had solved all philosophical problems. The "later Wittgenstein", however, rejected many of the assumptions of the Tractatus, arguing that the meaning of words is best understood as their use within a given language game.[14]

Born in Vienna into one of Europe's richest families, he inherited a fortune from his father in 1913. Before World War I, he "made a very generous financial bequest to a group of poets and artists chosen by Ludwig von Ficker, the editor of Der Brenner, from artists in need. These included Trakl as well as Rainer Maria Rilke and the architect Adolf Loos."[15] Later, in a period of severe personal depression after World War I, he gave away his remaining fortune to his brothers and sisters.[16][17] Three of his four older brothers died by separate acts of suicide. Wittgenstein left academia several times: serving as an officer on the front line during World War I, where he was decorated a number of times for his courage; teaching in schools in remote Austrian villages, where he encountered controversy for using sometimes violent corporal punishment on girls and a boy (the Haidbauer incident) especially during mathematics classes; working during World War II as a hospital porter in London, notably telling patients not to take the drugs they were prescribed; and working as a hospital laboratory technician at the Royal Victoria Infirmary in Newcastle upon Tyne. He later expressed remorse for these incidents, and spent the remainder of his life lecturing and attempting to prepare a second manuscript for publication, which was published posthumously as the hugely influential Philosophical Investigations.

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خلفية

عائلة فيتجنشتاين

انظر أيضاً: كارل فيتجنشتاين
للمزيد من المعلومات: عائلة فيتجنشتاين, بول فيتجنشتاين, and مارجريت ستونبورو-فيتجنشتاين
 
Karl Wittgenstein was one of the richest men in Europe.[18]

According to a family tree prepared in Jerusalem after World War II, Wittgenstein's paternal great-great-grandfather was Moses Meier,[19] a Jewish land agent who lived with his wife, Brendel Simon, in Bad Laasphe in the Principality of Wittgenstein, Westphalia.[20] In July 1808, Napoleon issued a decree that everyone, including Jews, must adopt an inheritable family surname, so Meier's son, also Moses, took the name of his employers, the Sayn-Wittgensteins, and became Moses Meier Wittgenstein.[21] His son, Hermann Christian Wittgenstein — who took the middle name "Christian" to distance himself from his Jewish background — married Fanny Figdor, also Jewish, who converted to Protestantism just before they married, and the couple founded a successful business trading in wool in Leipzig.[22] Ludwig's grandmother Fanny was a first cousin of the violinist Joseph Joachim.[23]

They had 11 children – among them Wittgenstein's father. Karl Otto Clemens Wittgenstein (1847–1913) became an industrial tycoon, and by the late 1880s was one of the richest men in Europe, with an effective monopoly on Austria's steel cartel.[18][24] Thanks to Karl, the Wittgensteins became the second wealthiest family in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, only the Rothschilds being wealthier.[24] Karl Wittgenstein was viewed as the Austrian equivalent of Andrew Carnegie, with whom he was friends, and was one of the wealthiest men in the world by the 1890s.[18] As a result of his decision in 1898 to invest substantially in the Netherlands and in Switzerland as well as overseas, particularly in the US, the family was to an extent shielded from the hyperinflation that hit Austria in 1922.[25] However, their wealth diminished due to post-1918 hyperinflation and subsequently during the Great Depression, although even as late as 1938 they owned 13 mansions in Vienna alone.[26]

النشأة

 
قصر فيتجنشتاين، بيت العائلة، حوالي 1910

Wittgenstein's mother was Leopoldine Maria Josefa Kalmus, known among friends as Poldi. Her father was a Bohemian Jew and her mother was Austrian-Slovene Catholic – she was Wittgenstein's only non-Jewish grandparent.[27][28][29][30][31] She was an aunt of the Nobel Prize laureate Friedrich Hayek on her maternal side. Wittgenstein was born at 8:30 PM on 26 April 1889 in the "Villa Wittgenstein" at what is today Neuwaldegger Straße 38 in the suburban parish Neuwaldegg (de) next to Vienna.[32][33]

 
Ludwig, c. 1890s

Karl and Poldi had nine children in all – four girls: Hermine, Margaret (Gretl), Helene, and a fourth daughter Dora who died as a baby; and five boys: Johannes (Hans), Kurt, Rudolf (Rudi), Paul – who became a concert pianist despite losing an arm in World War I – and Ludwig, who was the youngest of the family.[34]

 
Ludwig sitting in a field as a child

The children were baptized as Catholics, received formal Catholic instruction, and were raised in an exceptionally intense environment.[35][صفحة مطلوبة] The family was at the center of Vienna's cultural life; Bruno Walter described the life at the Wittgensteins' palace as an "all-pervading atmosphere of humanity and culture."[36] Karl was a leading patron of the arts, commissioning works by Auguste Rodin and financing the city's exhibition hall and art gallery, the Secession Building. Gustav Klimt painted Wittgenstein's sister for her wedding portrait, and Johannes Brahms and Gustav Mahler gave regular concerts in the family's numerous music rooms.[36][37]

Wittgenstein, who valued precision and discipline, never considered contemporary music acceptable. He said to his friend Drury in 1930:

Music came to a full stop with Brahms; and even in Brahms I can begin to hear the noise of machinery.[38]

Ludwig Wittgenstein himself had absolute pitch,[39] and his devotion to music remained vitally important to him throughout his life; he made frequent use of musical examples and metaphors in his philosophical writings, and he was unusually adept at whistling lengthy and detailed musical passages.[40] He also learnt to play the clarinet in his 30s.[41] A fragment of music (three bars), composed by Wittgenstein, was discovered in one of his 1931 notebooks, by Michael Nedo, director of the Wittgenstein Institute in Cambridge.[42]

المزاج العصبي للعائلة وانتحار الأشقاء

 
From left, Helene, Rudi, Hermine, Ludwig (the baby), Gretl, Paul, Hans, and Kurt, around 1890

Ray Monk writes that Karl's aim was to turn his sons into captains of industry; they were not sent to school lest they acquire bad habits, but were educated at home to prepare them for work in Karl's industrial empire.[43] Three of the five brothers would later commit suicide.[44][45] Psychiatrist Michael Fitzgerald argues that Karl was a harsh perfectionist who lacked empathy, and that Wittgenstein's mother was anxious and insecure, unable to stand up to her husband.[46] Johannes Brahms said of the family, whom he visited regularly:

They seemed to act towards one another as if they were at court.[24]

The family appeared to have a strong streak of depression running through it. Anthony Gottlieb tells a story about Paul practicing on one of the pianos in the Wittgensteins' main family mansion, when he suddenly shouted at Ludwig in the next room:

I cannot play when you are in the house, as I feel your scepticism seeping towards me from under the door![28]

 
Ludwig (bottom-right), Paul, and their sisters, late 1890s

The family palace housed seven grand pianos[47] and each of the siblings pursued music "with an enthusiasm that, at times, bordered on the pathological".[48] The eldest brother, Hans, was hailed as a musical prodigy. At the age of four, writes Alexander Waugh, Hans could identify the Doppler effect in a passing siren as a quarter-tone drop in pitch, and at five started crying "Wrong! Wrong!" when two brass bands in a carnival played the same tune in different keys. But he died in mysterious circumstances in May 1902, when he ran away to America and disappeared from a boat in Chesapeake Bay, most likely having committed suicide.[49][50]

Two years later, aged 22 and studying chemistry at the Berlin Academy, the third eldest brother, Rudi, committed suicide in a Berlin bar. He had asked the pianist to play Thomas Koschat's "Verlassen, verlassen, verlassen bin ich" ("Forsaken, forsaken, forsaken am I"), before mixing himself a drink of milk and potassium cyanide. He had left several suicide notes, one to his parents that said he was grieving over the death of a friend, and another that referred to his "perverted disposition". It was reported at the time that he had sought advice from the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee, an organization that was campaigning against Paragraph 175 of the German Criminal Code, which prohibited homosexual sex. His father forbade the family from ever mentioning his name again.[51][52][53][28]

The second eldest brother, Kurt, an officer and company director, shot himself on 27 October 1918 just before the end of World War I, when the Austrian troops he was commanding refused to obey his orders and deserted en masse.[43] According to Gottlieb, Hermine had said Kurt seemed to carry "the germ of disgust for life within himself".[54] Later, Ludwig wrote:

I ought to have ... become a star in the sky. Instead of which I have remained stuck on earth.[55]

1903–1906: Realschule in Linz

Realschule in Linz

 
The Realschule in Linz

Wittgenstein was taught by private tutors at home until he was 14 years old. Subsequently, for three years, he attended a school. After the deaths of Hans and Rudi, Karl relented, and allowed Paul and Ludwig to be sent to school. Waugh writes that it was too late for Wittgenstein to pass his exams for the more academic Gymnasium in Wiener Neustadt; having had no formal schooling, he failed his entrance exam and only barely managed after extra tutoring to pass the exam for the more technically oriented k.u.k. Realschule in Linz, a small state school with 300 pupils.[56][57][أ] In 1903, when he was 14, he began his three years of formal schooling there, lodging nearby in term time with the family of Dr. Josef Strigl, a teacher at the local gymnasium, the family giving him the nickname Luki.[58][59]

On starting at the Realschule, Wittgenstein had been moved forward a year.[58] Historian Brigitte Hamann writes that he stood out from the other boys: he spoke an unusually pure form of High German with a stutter, dressed elegantly, and was sensitive and unsociable.[60] Monk writes that the other boys made fun of him, singing after him: "Wittgenstein wandelt wehmütig widriger Winde wegen Wienwärts"[41] ("Wittgenstein wanders wistfully Vienna-wards (in) worsening winds"). In his leaving certificate, he received a top mark (5) in religious studies; a 2 for conduct and English, 3 for French, geography, history, mathematics and physics, and 4 for German, chemistry, geometry and freehand drawing.[58] He had particular difficulty with spelling and failed his written German exam because of it. He wrote in 1931:

My bad spelling in youth, up to the age of about 18 or 19, is connected with the whole of the rest of my character (my weakness in study).[58]


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Faith

Wittgenstein was baptized as an infant by a Catholic priest and received formal instruction in Catholic doctrine as a child, as was common at the time.[35][صفحة مطلوبة] In an interview, his sister Gretl Stonborough-Wittgenstein says that their grandfather's "strong, severe, partly ascetic Christianity" was a strong influence on all the Wittgenstein children.[61] While he was at the Realschule, he decided he lacked religious faith and began reading Arthur Schopenhauer per Gretl's recommendation.[62] He nevertheless believed in the importance of the idea of confession. He wrote in his diaries about having made a major confession to his oldest sister, Hermine, while he was at the Realschule; Monk speculates that it may have been about his loss of faith. He also discussed it with Gretl, his other sister, who directed him to Schopenhauer's The World as Will and Representation.[62] As a teenager, Wittgenstein adopted Schopenhauer's epistemological idealism. However, after his study of the philosophy of mathematics, he abandoned epistemological idealism for Gottlob Frege's conceptual realism.[63] In later years, Wittgenstein was highly dismissive of Schopenhauer, describing him as an ultimately "shallow" thinker:

Schopenhauer has quite a crude mind ... where real depth starts, his comes to an end.[64]

Wittgenstein's relationship with Christianity and with religion in general, for which he always professed a sincere and devoted sympathy, would change over time, much like his philosophical ideas.[65] In 1912, Wittgenstein wrote to Russell saying that Mozart and Beethoven were the actual sons of God.[66] However, Wittgenstein resisted formal religion, saying it was hard for him to "bend the knee",[67] though his grandfather's beliefs continued to influence Wittgenstein – as he said, "I cannot help seeing every problem from a religious point of view."[68] Wittgenstein referred to Augustine of Hippo in his Philosophical Investigations. Philosophically, Wittgenstein's thought shows alignment with religious discourse.[69] For example, he would become one of the century's fiercest critics of scientism.[70] Wittgenstein's religious belief emerged during his service for the Austrian army in World War I,[71] and he was a devoted reader of Dostoevsky's and Tolstoy's religious writings.[72] He viewed his wartime experiences as a trial in which he strove to conform to the will of God, and in a journal entry from 29 April 1915, he writes:

Perhaps the nearness of death will bring me the light of life. May God enlighten me. I am a worm, but through God I become a man. God be with me. Amen.[73]

Around this time, Wittgenstein wrote that "Christianity is indeed the only sure way to happiness", but he rejected the idea that religious belief was merely thinking that a certain doctrine was true.[74] From this time on, Wittgenstein viewed religious faith as a way of living and opposed rational argumentation or proofs for God. With age, a deepening personal spirituality led to several elucidations and clarifications, as he untangled language problems in religion — attacking, for example, the temptation to think of God's existence as a matter of scientific evidence.[75] In 1947, finding it more difficult to work, he wrote:

I have had a letter from an old friend in Austria, a priest. In it he says that he hopes my work will go well, if it should be God's will. Now that is all I want: if it should be God's will.[76]

In Culture and Value, Wittgenstein writes:

Is what I am doing [my work in philosophy] really worth the effort? Yes, but only if a light shines on it from above.

His close friend Norman Malcolm would write:

Wittgenstein's mature life was strongly marked by religious thought and feeling. I am inclined to think that he was more deeply religious than are many people who correctly regard themselves as religious believers.[35][صفحة مطلوبة]

Toward the end, Wittgenstein wrote:

Bach wrote on the title page of his Orgelbüchlein, 'To the glory of the most high God, and that my neighbour may be benefited thereby.' That is what I would have liked to say about my work.[76]

Influence of Otto Weininger

 
Austrian philosopher Otto Weininger (1880–1903)

While a student at the Realschule, Wittgenstein was influenced by Austrian philosopher Otto Weininger's 1903 book Geschlecht und Charakter (Sex and Character).

Weininger (1880–1903), who was Jewish, argued that the concepts male and female exist only as Platonic forms, and that Jews tend to embody the Platonic femininity. Whereas men are basically rational, women operate only at the level of their emotions and sexual organs. Jews, Weininger argued, are similar, saturated with femininity, with no sense of right and wrong, and no soul. Weininger argues that man must choose between his masculine and feminine sides, consciousness and unconsciousness, Platonic love and sexuality. Love and sexual desire stand in contradiction, and love between a woman and a man is therefore doomed to misery or immorality. The only life worth living is the spiritual one – to live as a woman or a Jew means one has no right to live at all; the choice is genius or death. Weininger committed suicide, shooting himself in 1903, shortly after publishing the book.[77] Wittgenstein, then 14, attended Weininger's funeral.[78] Many years later, as a professor at the University of Cambridge, Wittgenstein distributed copies of Weininger's book to his bemused academic colleagues. He said that Weininger's arguments were wrong, but that it was the way they were wrong that was interesting.[79] In a letter dated 23 August 1931, Wittgenstein wrote the following to G. E. Moore:

Dear Moore,

Thanks for your letter. I can quite imagine that you don't admire Weininger very much, what with that beastly translation and the fact that W. must feel very foreign to you. It is true that he is fantastic but he is great and fantastic. It isn't necessary or rather not possible to agree with him but the greatness lies in that with which we disagree. It is his enormous mistake which is great. I.e. roughly speaking if you just add a "∼" to the whole book it says an important truth.[80]

In an unusual move, Wittgenstein took out a copy of Weininger's work on 1 June 1931 from the Special Order Books in the university library. He met Moore on 2 June, when he probably gave this copy to Moore.[80]

Jewish background and Hitler

للمزيد من المعلومات: History of the Jews in Austria

There is much debate about the extent to which Wittgenstein and his siblings, who were of 3/4 Jewish descent, saw themselves as Jews. The issue has arisen in particular regarding Wittgenstein's schooldays, because Adolf Hitler was, for a while, at the same school at the same time.[81] Laurence Goldstein argues that it is "overwhelmingly probable" that the boys met each other and that Hitler would have disliked Wittgenstein, a "stammering, precocious, precious, aristocratic upstart ..."[82][83] Other commentators have dismissed as irresponsible and uninformed any suggestion that Wittgenstein's wealth and unusual personality might have fed Hitler's antisemitism, in part because there is no indication that Hitler would have seen Wittgenstein as Jewish.[84][85]

Wittgenstein and Hitler were born just six days apart, though Hitler had to re-sit his mathematics exam before being allowed into a higher class, while Wittgenstein was moved forward by one, so they ended up two grades apart at the Realschule.[56][ب] Monk estimates that they were both at the school during the 1904–1905 school year, but says there is no evidence they had anything to do with each other.[60][87][ت] Several commentators have argued that a school photograph of Hitler may show Wittgenstein in the lower left corner,[60][92][ج]

 
Class photograph at the Realschule in 1901, a young Adolf Hitler in the last row on the right. In the penultimate row, third from the right, a student whom is believed to be Ludwig Wittgenstein.

In his own writings[96] Wittgenstein frequently referred to himself as Jewish, at times as part of an apparent self-flagellation. For example, while berating himself for being a "reproductive" as opposed to "productive" thinker, he attributed this to his own Jewish sense of identity, writing:

The saint is the only Jewish "genius". Even the greatest Jewish thinker is no more than talented. (Myself for instance).[97]

While Wittgenstein would later claim that "[m]y thoughts are 100% Hebraic",[98] as Hans Sluga has argued, if so,

His was a self-doubting Judaism, which had always the possibility of collapsing into a destructive self-hatred (as it did in Weininger's case) but which also held an immense promise of innovation and genius.[99]

By Hebraic, he meant to include the Christian tradition, in contradistinction to the Greek tradition, holding that good and evil could not be reconciled.[100]

1906–1913: University

Engineering at Berlin and Manchester

 
Ludwig Wittgenstein, aged about eighteen
 
The old Technische Hochschule Berlin in Charlottenburg, Berlin

He began his studies in mechanical engineering at the Technische Hochschule Berlin in Charlottenburg, Berlin, on 23 October 1906, lodging with the family of professor Dr. Jolles. He attended for three semesters, and was awarded a diploma (Abgangzeugnis) on 5 May 1908.[101]

During his time at the Institute, Wittgenstein developed an interest in aeronautics.[102] He arrived at the Victoria University of Manchester in the spring of 1908 to study for a doctorate, full of plans for aeronautical projects, including designing and flying his own plane. He conducted research into the behavior of kites in the upper atmosphere, experimenting at a meteorological observation site near Glossop in Derbyshire.[103] Specifically, the Royal Meteorological Society researched and investigated the ionization of the upper atmosphere, by suspending instruments on balloons or kites. At Glossop, Wittgenstein worked under Professor of Physics Sir Arthur Schuster.[104]

He also worked on the design of a propeller with small jet engines on the end of its blades, something he patented in 1911, and which earned him a research studentship from the university in the autumn of 1908.[105] At the time, contemporary propeller designs were not advanced enough to actually put Wittgenstein's ideas into practice, and it would be years before a blade design that could support Wittgenstein's innovative design was created. Wittgenstein's design required air and gas to be forced along the propeller arms to combustion chambers on the end of each blade, where it was then compressed by the centrifugal force exerted by the revolving arms and ignited. Propellers of the time were typically wood, whereas modern blades are made from pressed steel laminates as separate halves, which are then welded together. This gives the blade a hollow interior, and thus creates an ideal pathway for the air and gas.[104]

 
Ludwig with his friend William Eccles at the Kite-Flying Station in Glossop, Derbyshire

Work on the jet-powered propeller proved frustrating for Wittgenstein, who had very little experience working with machinery.[106] Jim Bamber, a British engineer who was his friend and classmate at the time, reported that

when things went wrong, which often occurred, he would throw his arms around, stomp about, and swear volubly in German.[107]

According to William Eccles, another friend from that period, Wittgenstein then turned to more theoretical work, focusing on the design of the propeller – a problem that required relatively sophisticated mathematics.[106] It was at this time that he became interested in the foundations of mathematics, particularly after reading Bertrand Russell's The Principles of Mathematics (1903), and Gottlob Frege's The Foundations of Arithmetic, vol. 1 (1893) and vol. 2 (1903).[108] Wittgenstein's sister Hermine said he became obsessed with mathematics as a result, and was anyway losing interest in aeronautics.[109] He decided instead that he needed to study logic and the foundations of mathematics, describing himself as in a "constant, indescribable, almost pathological state of agitation."[109] In the summer of 1911 he visited Frege at the University of Jena to show him some philosophy of mathematics and logic he had written, and to ask whether it was worth pursuing.[110] He wrote:

I was shown into Frege's study. Frege was a small, neat man with a pointed beard who bounced around the room as he talked. He absolutely wiped the floor with me, and I felt very depressed; but at the end he said 'You must come again', so I cheered up. I had several discussions with him after that. Frege would never talk about anything but logic and mathematics, if I started on some other subject, he would say something polite and then plunge back into logic and mathematics.[111]


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Arrival at Cambridge

 
Wittgenstein, 1910s

Wittgenstein wanted to study with Frege, but Frege suggested he attend the University of Cambridge to study under Russell, so on 18 October 1911 Wittgenstein arrived unannounced at Russell's rooms in Trinity College.[112] Russell was having tea with C. K. Ogden, when, according to Russell,

an unknown German appeared, speaking very little English but refusing to speak German. He turned out to be a man who had learned engineering at Charlottenburg, but during this course had acquired, by himself, a passion for the philosophy of mathematics & has now come to Cambridge on purpose to hear me.[110]

He was soon not only attending Russell's lectures, but dominating them. The lectures were poorly attended and Russell often found himself lecturing only to C. D. Broad, E. H. Neville, and H. T. J. Norton.[110] Wittgenstein started following him after lectures back to his rooms to discuss more philosophy, until it was time for the evening meal in Hall. Russell grew irritated; he wrote to his lover Lady Ottoline Morrell: "My German friend threatens to be an infliction."[113] Russell soon came to believe that Wittgenstein was a genius, especially after he had examined Wittgenstein's written work. He wrote in November 1911 that he had at first thought Wittgenstein might be a crank, but soon decided he was a genius:

Some of his early views made the decision difficult. He maintained, for example, at one time that all existential propositions are meaningless. This was in a lecture room, and I invited him to consider the proposition: 'There is no hippopotamus in this room at present.' When he refused to believe this, I looked under all the desks without finding one; but he remained unconvinced.[114]

Three months after Wittgenstein's arrival Russell told Morrell:

I love him & feel he will solve the problems I am too old to solve ... He is the young man one hopes for.[115]

Wittgenstein later told David Pinsent that Russell's encouragement had proven his salvation, and had ended nine years of loneliness and suffering, during which he had continually thought of suicide. In encouraging him to pursue philosophy and in justifying his inclination to abandon engineering, Russell had, quite literally, saved Wittgenstein's life.[115] The role-reversal between Bertrand Russell and Wittgenstein was soon such that Russell wrote in 1916, after Wittgenstein had criticized Russell's own work:

His [Wittgenstein's] criticism, tho' I don't think you realized it at the time, was an event of first-rate importance in my life, and affected everything I have done since. I saw that he was right, and I saw that I could not hope ever again to do fundamental work in philosophy.[116]

Cambridge Moral Sciences Club and Apostles

 
Bertrand Russell, 1907

In 1912 Wittgenstein joined the Cambridge Moral Sciences Club, an influential discussion group for philosophy dons and students, delivering his first paper there on 29 November that year, a four-minute talk defining philosophy as

all those primitive propositions which are assumed as true without proof by the various sciences.[117][118][119]

He dominated the society and for a time would stop attending in the early 1930s after complaints that he gave no one else a chance to speak.[120] The club became infamous within popular philosophy because of a meeting on 25 October 1946 at Richard Braithwaite's rooms in King's College, Cambridge, where Karl Popper, another Viennese philosopher, had been invited as the guest speaker. Popper's paper was "Are there philosophical problems?", in which he struck up a position against Wittgenstein's, contending that problems in philosophy are real, not just linguistic puzzles as Wittgenstein argued. Accounts vary as to what happened next, but Wittgenstein apparently started waving a hot poker, demanding that Popper give him an example of a moral rule. Popper offered one – "Not to threaten visiting speakers with pokers" – at which point Russell told Wittgenstein he had misunderstood and Wittgenstein left. Popper maintained that Wittgenstein "stormed out", but it had become accepted practice for him to leave early (because of his aforementioned ability to dominate discussion). It was the only time the philosophers, three of the most eminent in the 20th CE, were ever in the same room together.[121][122] The minutes record that the meeting was

charged to an unusual degree with a spirit of controversy.[123]

Cambridge Apostles

The economist John Maynard Keynes also invited him to join the Cambridge Apostles, an elite secret society formed in 1820, which both Bertrand Russell and G. E. Moore had joined as students, but Wittgenstein did not greatly enjoy it and attended only infrequently. Russell had been worried that Wittgenstein would not appreciate the group's raucous style of intellectual debate, its precious sense of humour, and the fact that the members were often in love with one another.[124][المصدر لا يؤكد ذلك] He was admitted in 1912 but resigned almost immediately because he could not tolerate the style of discussion. Nevertheless, the Cambridge Apostles allowed Wittgenstein to participate in meetings again in the 1920s when he had returned to Cambridge. Reportedly, Wittgenstein also had trouble tolerating the discussions in the Cambridge Moral Sciences Club.

Frustrations at Cambridge

Wittgenstein was quite vocal about his depression in his years at Cambridge, and before he went to war; on many an occasion, he told Russell of his woes. His mental anguish seemed to stem from two sources: his work, and his personal life. Wittgenstein made numerous remarks to Russell about logic driving him mad.[125] Wittgenstein also stated to Russell that he "felt the curse of those who have half a talent".[126] He later expresses this same worry, and tells of being in mediocre spirits due to his lack of progress in his logical work.[127] Monk writes that Wittgenstein lived and breathed logic, and a temporary lack of inspiration plunged him into despair.[128] Wittgenstein tells of his work in logic affecting his mental status in a very extreme way. However, he also tells Russell another story. Around Christmas, in 1913, he writes:

how can I be a logician before I'm a human being? For the most important thing is coming to terms with myself![129]

He also tells Russell on an occasion in Russell's rooms that he was worried about logic and his sins; also, once upon arrival to Russell's rooms one night Wittgenstein announced to Russell that he would kill himself once he left.[130] Of things Wittgenstein personally told Russell, Ludwig's temperament was also recorded in the diary of David Pinsent. Pinsent writes

I have to be frightfully careful and tolerant when he gets these sulky fits

and

I am afraid he is in an even more sensitive neurotic state just now than usual

when talking about Wittgenstein's emotional fluctuations.[131]

Sexual orientation and relationship with David Pinsent

 
Wittgenstein sitting with his friends and family in Vienna. Marguerite Respinger sits at the end of the left and the sculpture he made of her sits behind him on the mantel-place

Wittgenstein had romantic relations with both men and women. He is generally believed to have fallen in love with at least three men, and had a relationship with the latter two: David Hume Pinsent in 1912, Francis Skinner in 1930, and Ben Richards in the late 1940s.[132] He later revealed that, as a teenager in Vienna, he had had an affair with a woman.[133] Additionally, in the 1920s Wittgenstein fell in love with a young Swiss woman, Marguerite Respinger, sculpting a bust modelled on her and seriously considering marriage, albeit on condition that they would not have children; she decided that he was not right for her.[134]

 
David Pinsent

Wittgenstein's relationship with David Pinsent occurred during an intellectually formative period, and is well documented. Bertrand Russell introduced Wittgenstein to Pinsent in the summer of 1912. Pinsent was a mathematics undergraduate and a relation of David Hume, and Wittgenstein and he soon became very close.[135] The men worked together on experiments in the psychology laboratory about the role of rhythm in the appreciation of music, and Wittgenstein delivered a paper on the subject to the British Psychological Association in Cambridge in 1912. They also travelled together, including to Iceland in September 1912 — the expenses paid by Wittgenstein, including first class travel, the hiring of a private train, and new clothes and spending money for Pinsent. In addition to Iceland, Wittgenstein and Pinsent traveled to Norway in 1913. In determining their destination, Wittgenstein and Pinsent visited a tourist office in search of a location that would fulfill the following criteria: a small village located on a fjord, a location away from tourists, and a peaceful destination to allow them to study logic and law.[136] Choosing Øystese, Wittgenstein and Pinsent arrived in the small village on 4 September 1913. During a vacation lasting almost three weeks, Wittgenstein was able to work vigorously on his studies. The immense progress on logic during their stay led Wittgenstein to express to Pinsent his notion of leaving Cambridge and returning to Norway to continue his work on logic.[137] Pinsent's diaries provide valuable insights into Wittgenstein's personality: sensitive, nervous, and attuned to the tiniest slight or change in mood from Pinsent.[138][139] Pinsent also writes of Wittgenstein being "absolutely sulky and snappish" at times, as well.[131] In his diaries Pinsent wrote about shopping for furniture with Wittgenstein in Cambridge when the latter was given rooms in Trinity. Most of what they found in the stores was not minimalist enough for Wittgenstein's aesthetics:

I went and helped him interview a lot of furniture at various shops ... It was rather amusing: He is terribly fastidious and we led the shopman a frightful dance, Vittgenstein [sic] ejaculating "No – Beastly!" to 90 percent of what he shewed us![140]

He wrote in May 1912 that Wittgenstein had just begun to study the history of philosophy:

He expresses the most naive surprise that all the philosophers he once worshipped in ignorance are after all stupid and dishonest and make disgusting mistakes![140]

The last time they saw each other was on 8 October 1913 at Lordswood House in Birmingham, then residence of the Pinsent family:

I got up at 6:15 to see Ludwig off. He had to go very early — back to Cambridge — as he has lots to do there. I saw him off from the house in a taxi at 7:00 — to catch a 7:30 AM train from New Street Station. It was sad parting from him.[139]

Wittgenstein left to live in Norway.

1913–1920: World War I and the Tractatus

Work on Logik

 
Entries from October 1914 in Wittgenstein's diary, on display at the Wren Library, Trinity College, Cambridge

Karl Wittgenstein died on 20 January 1913, and after receiving his inheritance Wittgenstein became one of the wealthiest men in Europe.[141] He donated some of his money, at first anonymously, to Austrian artists and writers, including Rainer Maria Rilke and Georg Trakl. Trakl requested to meet his benefactor but in 1914 when Wittgenstein went to visit, Trakl had killed himself. Wittgenstein came to feel that he could not get to the heart of his most fundamental questions while surrounded by other academics, and so in 1913 he retreated to the village of Skjolden in Norway, where he rented the second floor of a house for the winter.[142] He later saw this as one of the most productive periods of his life, writing Logik (Notes on Logic), the predecessor of much of the Tractatus.[112]

While in Norway, Wittgenstein learned Norwegian to converse with the local villagers, and Danish to read the works of the Danish philosopher Søren Kierkegaard.[143] He adored the "quiet seriousness" of the landscape but even Skjolden became too busy for him. He soon designed a small wooden house which was erected on a remote rock overlooking the Eidsvatnet Lake just outside the village. The place was called "Østerrike" (Austria) by locals. He lived there during various periods until the 1930s, and substantial parts of his works were written there. (The house was broken up in 1958 to be rebuilt in the village. A local foundation collected donations and bought it in 2014; it was dismantled again and re-erected at its original location; the inauguration took place on 20 June 2019 with international attendance.)[142]

It was during this time that Wittgenstein began addressing what he considered to be a central issue in Notes on Logic, a general decision procedure for determining the truth value of logical propositions which would stem from a single primitive proposition. He became convinced during this time that

[a]ll the propositions of logic are generalizations of tautologies and all generalizations of tautologies are generalizations of logic. There are no other logical propositions.[144]

Based on this, Wittgenstein argued that propositions of logic express their truth or falsehood in the sign itself, and one need not know anything about the constituent parts of the proposition to determine it true or false. Rather, one simply need identify the statement as a tautology (true), a contradiction (false), or neither. The problem lay in forming a primitive proposition which encompassed this and would act as the basis for all of logic. As he stated in correspondence with Russell in late 1913,

The big question now is, how must a system of signs be constituted in order to make every tautology recognizable as such IN ONE AND THE SAME WAY? This is the fundamental problem of logic![127]

The importance Wittgenstein placed upon this fundamental problem was so great that he believed if he did not solve it, he had no reason or right to live.[145] Despite this apparent life-or-death importance, Wittgenstein had given up on this primitive proposition by the time of the writing of the Tractatus. The Tractatus does not offer any general process for identifying propositions as tautologies; in a simpler manner,

Every tautology itself shows that it is a tautology.[146]

This shift to understanding tautologies through mere identification or recognition occurred in 1914 when Moore was called on by Wittgenstein to assist him in dictating his notes. At Wittgenstein's insistence, Moore, who was now a Cambridge don, visited him in Norway in 1914, reluctantly because Wittgenstein exhausted him. David Edmonds and John Eidinow write that Wittgenstein regarded Moore, an internationally known philosopher, as an example of how far someone could get in life with "absolutely no intelligence whatever."[147] In Norway it was clear that Moore was expected to act as Wittgenstein's secretary, taking down his notes, with Wittgenstein falling into a rage when Moore got something wrong.[148] When he returned to Cambridge, Moore asked the university to consider accepting Logik as sufficient for a bachelor's degree, but they refused, saying it wasn't formatted properly: no footnotes, no preface. Wittgenstein was furious, writing to Moore in May 1914:

If I am not worth your making an exception for me even in some STUPID details then I may as well go to Hell directly; and if I am worth it and you don't do it then – by God – you might go there.[149]

Moore was apparently distraught; he wrote in his diary that he felt sick and could not get the letter out of his head.[150] The two did not speak again until 1929.[148]

Military service

 
Austro-Hungarian supply line over the Vršič Pass, on the Italian front, October 1917

On the outbreak of World War I, Wittgenstein immediately volunteered for the Austro-Hungarian Army, despite being eligible for a medical exemption.[151][152] He served first on a ship and then in an artillery workshop "several miles from the action".[151] He was wounded in an accidental explosion, and hospitalised to Kraków.[151] In March 1916, he was posted to a fighting unit on the front line of the Russian front, as part of the Austrian 7th Army, where his unit was involved in some of the heaviest fighting, defending against the Brusilov Offensive.[153] Wittgenstein directed the fire of his own artillery from an observation post in no-man's land against Allied troops — one of the most dangerous jobs, since he was targeted by enemy fire.[152] He was decorated with the Military Merit with Swords on the Ribbon, and was commended by the army for "exceptionally courageous behaviour, calmness, sang-froid, and heroism" that "won the total admiration of the troops".[154] In January 1917, he was sent as a member of a howitzer regiment to the Russian front, where he won several more medals for bravery including the Silver Medal for Valour, First Class.[155] In 1918, he was promoted to lieutenant and sent to the Italian front as part of an artillery regiment. For his part in the final Austrian offensive of June 1918, he was recommended for the Gold Medal for Valour, one of the highest honours in the Austrian army, but was instead awarded the Band of the Military Service Medal with Swords — it being decided that this particular action, although extraordinarily brave, had been insufficiently consequential to merit the highest honour.[156]

 
Wittgenstein's military identity card during the First World War

Throughout the war, he kept notebooks in which he frequently wrote philosophical reflections alongside personal remarks, including his contempt for the character of the other soldiers.[157] His notebooks also attest to his philosophical and spiritual reflections, and it was during this time that he experienced a kind of religious awakening.[71] In his entry from 11 June 1915, Wittgenstein states that

The meaning of life, i.e. the meaning of the world, we can call God.
And connect with this the comparison of God to a father.
To pray is to think about the meaning of life.[158]

and on 8 July that

To believe in God means to understand the meaning of life.
To believe in God means to see that the facts of the world are not the end of the matter.
To believe in God means to see that life has a meaning [ ... ]
When my conscience upsets my equilibrium, then I am not in agreement with Something. But what is this? Is it the world?
Certainly it is correct to say: Conscience is the voice of God.[159]

He discovered Leo Tolstoy's 1896 The Gospel in Brief at a bookshop in Tarnów, and carried it everywhere, recommending it to anyone in distress, to the point where he became known to his fellow soldiers as "the man with the gospels".[160][161]

The extent to which The Gospel in Brief influenced Wittgenstein can be seen in the Tractatus, in the unique way both books number their sentences.[162] In 1916 Wittgenstein read Dostoevsky's The Brothers Karamazov so often that he knew whole passages of it by heart, particularly the speeches of the elder Zosima, who represented for him a powerful Christian ideal, a holy man "who could see directly into the souls of other people".[72][163]

Iain King has suggested that Wittgenstein's writing changed substantially in 1916, when he started confronting much greater dangers during frontline fighting.[164] Russell said he returned from the war a changed man, one with a deeply mystical and ascetic attitude.[165]


الحرب العالمية الأولى

 
1914 notes


فتغنشتاين الفيلسوف


فتغنشتاين

قراءة: عبدالله المطيري عنوان الكتاب: تحقيقات فلسفية. توزيع: مركز دراسات الوحدة العربية. المؤلف: لودفيك فتغنشتاين. تاريخ النشر:

2007المترجم: د. عبدالرزاق بنّور. عدد الصفحات:

541.الناشر: المنظمة العربية للترجمة.

فيينا... أواخر القرن التاسع عشر، حين كانت الطبقة الأرستقراطية في المجتمع النمساوي في أوج فذلكتها، حين كانت صالونات الإمبراطورية النمساوية تعج بالكثير من "المجاملات" و"الدبلوماسية" في الكلام. كانت اللغة في تلك الأماكن أكثر من لغة. كانت لغة زيادة، كانت بوابة دخول أو خروج، كانت بطاقة تعريف لا تضاهيها بطاقة أخرى. كانت الأسر الأرستقراطية تبذل الكثير من الوقت والمال في تعليم أبنائها فن الكلام. في هذه الأجواء نشأت مجموعة من الفلاسفة الكبار الذين استفزّتهم اللغة بهذا الشكل، ليجعلوا منها لاحقا موضوع تفكيرهم وسؤالهم الأكبر. "فلسفة اللغة" أصبحت هي عنوان الفلسفة في النصف الثاني للقرن التاسع عشر والنصف الأول من القرن العشرين. الفلسفة التي تبحث في طبيعة اللغة وعلاقتها بالكون (كيف تصف اللغة الكون أو تمثله ؟ ماهي علاقة الاسم بالمسمى؟ كيف نقارب مفهوم التفكير من هذا المنطق؟ هل يمكن التفكير مثلا من دون لغة؟ وماذا عن الفهم؟ ماذا يعني أن نفهم قولا؟ وما هي طبيعة علاقة المتخاطبين الواحد بالآخر؟ و"ما المعنى؟". هل المعنى في رأس المخاطب؟ وما علاقة المعرفة بالوعي وبتموضع المعنى في رأس المتخاطبين؟ كانت هذه هي الأسئلة التي طرحها ڤيتگنشتاين أحد أكبر فلاسفة اللغة.

لودفيك ڤيتگنشتاين (1889-1951) من الفلاسفة الكبار الذين بقدر ما ساهمت أفكارهم في تطور الفكر البشري والقفز بها مسافات طويلة بقدر ما تبدو سيرته الذاتية، حياته، فهمه لهذه التجربة، وحسبته للأمور، فلسفة بحد ذاتها. وهذا المستوى من التعبير، أي أن تصبح الحياة الشخصية إلى تعبير عن القناعات والأفكار، هو مستوى حقيقي وبالغ الدلالة. ڤيتگنشتاين من هؤلاء القلّة. ولد ڤيتگنشتاين في أسرة غنية جدا وورث عن أبيه ثروة كبيرة لكنه تنازل عنها تنازلا لا رجعة فيه لأخته لينشغل بعد ذلك بطلب العلم والكسب من عمله الخاص، خصوصا في مجال التدريس. وبحكم تنشئته من جهة أمه فقد كان بارعا في الموسيقى وتحضر مصطلحاتها كثيرا في كتاباته. سافر لإنجلترا لدراسة الميكانيكا( 1908- 1911)، ثم عاد ليتطوع في جيش بلاده النمسا في الحرب العالمية الأولى ويتم أسره على الجبهة الإيطالية ويبقى هناك لمدة عامين كتب فيها ما يعرف بيوميات (1914-1916). انشغل بعد ذلك بالتدريس الأطفال في مدرسة ابتدائية محاولا تطبيق بعض نظرياته في التعليم ولكنه ما لبث أن أقلع عن هذا العمل ليواصل تخصصه في الميكانيكا لولا أنه قرأ كتاب برتراند راسل "أسس الرياضيات" مما أثار لديه الكثير من المشاكل الفلسفية المتعلقة بالرياضيات. مما جعله يذهب للدراسة لدى "فريگه" أحد أكبر فلاسفة المنطق بألمانيا. رحل بعد ذلك إلى انجلترا والتقى براسل وهوايتهد وكان له معهما الكثير من التجارب والذكريات. يقول رسل في سجل ذكرياته "إن بداية معرفتي بفتغنشتاين كانت أكثر مغامراتي العقلية إثارة طول حياتي". حصل على الجنسية البريطانية واختار العزلة في آخر حياته وتوفي بكمبردج بعد ثلاثة أيام من احتفاله بعيد ميلاده الستين، سنة

1951.من أبرز أعمال فتغنشتاين كتاب "مصنف منطقي فلسفي" الذي يحتوي على مقاربة للفلسفة تنسف إمكانية التفلسف وتعيدها إلى نقطة الانطلاق وتدعو للسكوت عمّا لا ينبغي قوله. إلا أنه انتقد لاحقا هذا الكتاب بسبب "الدوغمائية التي نقع فيها بسهولة عندما نتفلسف" كما عبر هو عن ذلك. اعتقد ڤيتگنشتاين أنه قد حلّ بكتابه الأول(مصنف منطي فلسفي) كل مشاكل الفلسفة الكبرى، ولم يعد هناك مزيد لما يقال في الفلسفة. مما أدى به إلى الانقطاع عن الانشغال بالفلسفة ليتفرغ لتدريس الصغار في بعض القرى النمساوية ويطبق بعض نظرياته التربوية كان هذا بين عامي (1920-1926) ثم عمل بعد ذلك بعض الأعمال الصغيرة، بوابا وعاملا في حديقة أحد الأديرة ومهندسا معماريا بارعا أنجز بيتا لإحدى أخواته أصبح بعد ذلك نموذجا في البناء. إلا أن محاضرة سنة 1928في أسس الحساب قد أعادت استفزاز عقل ڤيتگنشتاين ليعود مرّة أخرى للبحث الفلسفي. وفي إنجلترا ألف كتابه ملاحظات فلسفية الذي لم ينشر إلا بعد وفاته.يعتبر هذا الكتاب، كما يرى ذلك عبدالرزّاق بنّور، جسر عبور من المرحلة الأولى (مرحلة كتاب مصنف فلسفي منطقي) إلى ما يسمى بالمرحلة الثانية، فلسفة الألعاب اللغويّة التي عرت نضجها في كتابنا هذا (تحقيقات فلسفية). ولكن هذه الفلسفة تم إنضاجها قبل "التحقيقات" في ما يعرف ب "الكراسة الزرقاء" و"الكراسة البنية". اللتان لم يتم نشرهما إلا بعد وفاة ڤيتگنشتاين سنة 1958، أيضا يعتبر كاتب "ملاحظات في أسس الرياضيات" من أهم كتبه بالإضافة إلى أهم كتبه على الإطلاق وأكثرها شهرة وتأثيرا كتابنا اليوم "تحقيقات فلسفية".

الكتاب

يتكون الكتاب من مقدمة طويلة للمترجم يعرّف فيها بڤيتگنشتاين: حياته، ومؤلفاته، وفكره الفلسفي: تكوينه والمؤثرون فيه وتأثيره في القرن العشرين وتطور تفكيره الفلسفي . علما بأن عبد الرزّاق بنّور، مترجم الكتاب، أستاذ اللسانيات بالجامعة التونسية، كان مهتما بفلسفة ڤيتگنشتاين: منذ أكثر من عشرين سنة، كما يذكر ذلك في نهاية مقدمته للكتاب. بعد ذلك يأتي متن الكتاب الذي يتكون من مقدمة للمؤلف والجزء الأول والجزء الثاني. ثم يضيف المترجم ثبتا تعريفيا وثبتا بالمصطلحات.

يذكرني أسلوب ڤيتگنشتاين في هذا الكتاب بأسلوب الثائر نيتشه، العبارات القصيرة المركّزة المرقمة. يتكون الجزء الأول من الكتاب من 693 فقرة من هذا النوع، أما الجزء الثاني القصير نسبيا. أما الجزء الثاني فيتكون من خمس عشرة فقرة مطولة، تختلف في الأسلوب عن الجزء الأول. يقول ڤيتگنشتاين في تقديمه للكتاب "إن الأفكار التي أنشرها في هذا الكتاب، هي ترسبات تحقيقات فلسفية شغلتني طيلة الست عشرة سنة الماضية. وهي تهم مواضيع عديدة: مفهوم الدلالة والفهم والمنطوقات والمنطق وأسس الرياضيات وكذلك حالات الوعي ومواضيع أخرى..." يعطي فتغنشتاين الكثير من الآراء حول كتاباته وفلسفته عموما تنبه المهتمين بفلسفته إلى خطر الوقوع في الوثوقية فهو يقيّم أعماله بالكثير من التواضع بل بعين نقدية متجردة. يقول في مقدمة الكتاب "وقد كان عدد كبير من النقاط في هذا الكتاب غير مصيب بل مجانب لخصوصيات الموضوع، فكان يشي بمصوّر رديء. وإذا حذف بقي عدد معيّن شبه ناجح، يتعيّن ترتيبه وتشذيبه، حتى نتمكن من إعطاء المتأمل صورة عن المشهد. لذلك فإن هذا الكتاب لا يعدو أن يكون مختارات من الصور". ويقول في موقع آخر بما أعتبره درسا في العلمية والأخلاق "هناك حقيقة تبدو لي، وهي أنني عندما أفكر فإنني، في تفكيري، لست إلا مستنسخا. وأعتقد أنني لم أخترع طريقة جديدة في التفكير، بل كان يمدني بها أحد. وكل ما أقوم به هو أني أستحوذ عليها في عملي التصنيفي..". أقرأ هذا التعبير الصريح والاعتراف بقيمة الآخرين وأتذكر الكثير من الإدعاءات والترّهات التي يتفوه بها بعض الكتاب العرب مدعين فيها الكثير من البطولات الزائفة والإنجازات المتخيّلة. ولكن حين أتذكر أن الفيلسوف الحقيقي هو ذلك الذي تظهر فلسفته في علاقته مع ذاته وفهمه لها وقدرته على الاقتراب منها والتصالح معها.هنا بالذات يمكن الدور الحقيقي للفلسفة أما حين نخسر هذا الدور فإن ما يبقى يعتبر في الهامش مهما كانت قيمته. يقول فتغنشتاين في هذا الإطار "الفيلسوف ليس إلا شخصا مريضا عليه أن يعالج العديد من أمراض الإدراك في داخله قبل أن يتمكن من الوصول إلى مدارك الناس السليمة وكل عمل في الاتجاه الصحيح يتضمن العمل ضد ما بداخل النفس أو في النفس وعليها. وهذا العمل معقد تعقيد الذات". لا يمكن هنا الإحاطة بفلسفة فتغنشتاين فهي فلسفة متشعبة ومتعددة المجالات، إلا أنني سأكتفي هنا بالتركيز على بعض الأفكار المهمة في فلسفة فتغنشتاين، قد لا تكون الأهم في فلسفته ولكنها قد تكون الأهم هنا.

مهمة الفيلسوف في فلسفة اللغة

يذكر بنّور في مقدمته، بحسب ڤيتگنشتاين، أن هناك عمليتين في استخدام اللغة: الأولى خارجية تتمثل في التعامل مع العلامات، والثانية داخلية تتمثل في فهم تلك العلامات وتكمن مهمة الفيلسوف، في إحباط ألاعيب اللغة والتفطن إلى أفخاخ النحو في مستويي الاستعمال: الداخلي والخارجي. ونحن، يتحدث فتغنشتاين، نهتم باللغة على أنها عملية خاضعة للقواعد البيّنة، لأن المشاكل الفلسفية عبارة عن سوء فهم يزيله توضيح القواعد التي نستعمل الألفاظ بموجبها، فنحدد الفلسفة باعتبارها مقاومة فتنة تفكيرنا بواسطة لغتنا. ولم يعد المهم بالنسبة إلى الفلسفة والمنطق أن نبين ماهي القضايا الصادقة والقضايا الكاذبة، في علاقتها بالواقع، بقدر ما يهم النحو (قريب من علم الدلالة) باعتباره ما سيمكننا من تمييز القضية ذات المعنى من القضية عديمة المعنى، فالفلسفة هي قبل كل شيء مقاومة الفتنة التي تحدثها فينا بعض أشكال التعبير. إن المشاكل الفلسفية ليس سببها نقصا في المعرفة، بل خلط وتراكم غير منتظم للمستويات.

الفلسفة: منهج واحد أم عدد مفتوح من المناهج؟

"لا يوجد منهج وحيد في الفلسفة بل توجد عدّة مناهج، أي، إن صح التعبير، طرق علاج مختلفة. وليست الفلسفة سوى طريقة بحث". هذه الفكرة تتحكم في مدى إمكانية وقوع تفلسف ما في الدوغما والوثوقية أم لا. ف "الاعتقاد" بوجود منهج واحد للفلسفة هو إغلاق للانفتاح الذي هو شرط حرية التفكير التي هي روح الفلسفة. حين نقتل هذه الروح فإننا مباشرة قد قتلنا الفلسفة. يتابع فتغنشتاين ... لكن عمّ وفيم تبحث الفلسفة؟ هل هناك فروق بين منهجها وموضوعها؟ ألا تكون طريقة البحث متعلقة بالسؤال المطروح. إن الفلسفة يستحسن فيها أن نجيب عن سؤال بسؤال آخر...

اللغة - اللعبة

اللغة عند ڤيتگنشتاين هي الطريق إلى المعرفة باعتبارها وسيلة لفهم تكوين المعنى في الخطاب. ونظرا لعلاقة التضمن أو التوازي بين اللغة والتفكير فلا سبيل إلى فلسفة التفكير والمعرفة والفهم دون اللغة إذ أن "كل شيء يحدث داخل اللغة". نتذكر هنا ما يقوله جون سيرل في كتابه "العقل" الذي قدمنا هنا قراءة له قبل أسبوعين. حيث يقول أن التطور اليوم يعكس المعادلة ففهم اللغة لا بد أن يمر أولا بفهم العقل وهذا ما يجعل لفلسفة العقل الأولوية على فلسفة اللغة. نعود إلى فتغنشتاين الذي يستخدم باستمرار تعبير اللعبة اللغوية!! فهو يعتبر أن اللغة تتمثل في مجموع الألعاب اللغوية الممكنة. وأوجه الاستعارة متعددة فاللعبة تتضمن القواعد تماما مثل اللغة. واللعبة فعل مثل اللغة. واللغة مكونة من الألفاظ مثلما تتكون اللعبة من قطع وأشكال. واللغة نظام يأخذ فيه كل لفظ مكانه باعتبار محيطه، كذلك تكتسب كل قطعة أو شكل في اللعبة قيمتها من القطعة الأخرى. وأخيرا فإن كل من اللغة واللعبة مؤسسات اجتماعية.

في الختام لا بد من توجيه الشكر الجزيل لمترجم الكتاب د.عبد الرزّاق بنّور على هذه الخدمة الجليلة بتقديم هذا الكتاب كما أحب أن أنوّه إلى أنه صدر حديثا كتاب عن ڤيتگنشتاين للباحث الكويتي عقيل يوسف عيدان بعنوان "أوجه المكعّب الستة، ألعاب اللغة عند ڤيتگنشتاين".

abdullah407@hotmail.com


تطوير Tractatus

 
Hochreit 1920. Wittgenstein is seated between his sister Helene Salzer and his friend, Arvid Sjögren.


 
Wittgenstein House


أعوامه الأخيرة

 
The grave of Ludwig Wittgenstein, at the Parish of the Ascension Burial Ground in Cambridge 52°13′02″N 0°05′59″E / 52.217094°N 0.099828°E / 52.217094; 0.099828


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  161. ^ Schardt, Bill; Large, David. "Wittgenstein, Tolstoy, and the Gospel in Brief". The Philosopher. 89 (1).
  162. ^ Tolstoy, Leo (1896). The Gospel in Brief. New York: T.Y. Crowell. pp. 2, 17–100. ISBN 978-1-152-21927-4.
  163. ^ Hanna, Robert. "Kant, Wittgenstein, and Transcendental Philosophy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 May 2013.
  164. ^ King, Iain (17 April 2014). "Thinker at War". Retrieved 23 July 2014. ... the two halves of his war service seem to be reflected in a change of writing style. Protected from danger until spring 1916, his words were dry, abstract, and logical. Only when he was in the midst of action did he confront ethics and aesthetics, concluding their 'truths' could only be shown, not stated.
  165. ^ Monk 1990, p. 183.

كتب

أعمال

مطبوعات هامة

  • Logisch-Philosophische Abhandlung, Annalen der Naturphilosophie, 14 (1921)
  • Philosophische Untersuchungen (1953)
  • Bemerkungen über die Grundlagen der Mathematik, ed. by G.H. von Wright, R. Rhees, and G.E.M. Anscombe (1956) (a selection from his writings on the philosophy of logic and mathematics between 1937 and 1944)
    • Remarks on the Foundations of Mathematics, translated by G.E.M. Anscombe, rev. ed. (1978)
  • Bemerkungen über die Philosophie der Psychologie, ed. G.E.M. Anscombe and G.H. von Wright (1980)
    • Remarks on the Philosophy of Psychology, Vols. 1 and 2, translated by G.E.M. Anscombe, ed. G.E.M. Anscombe and G.H. von Wright (1980) (a selection of which makes up 'Zettel')
  • The Blue and Brown Books (1958) (Notes dictated in English to Cambridge students in 1933–35)
  • Philosophische Bemerkungen, ed. by Rush Rhees (1964)
    • Philosophical Remarks (1975)
    • Philosophical Grammar (1978)
  • Bemerkungen über die Farben, ed. by G.E.M. Anscombe (1977)
    • Remarks on Colour ISBN 0-520-03727-8

أعماله اللاحقة

  • On Certainty — A collection of aphorisms discussing the relation between knowledge and certainty, extremely influential in the philosophy of action.
  • Remarks on Colour — Remarks on Goethe's Theory of Colours.
  • Culture and Value — A collection of personal remarks about various cultural issues, such as religion and music, as well as critique of Søren Kierkegaard's philosophy.
  • Zettel, another collection of Wittgenstein's thoughts in fragmentary/"diary entry" format as with On Certainty and Culture and Value.

أعمال موجودة على النت

قراءات اضافية

  • Bartley, William Warren (1985). Wittgenstein. La Salle, Ill.: Open Court. ISBN 978-0875484419.
  • Brockhaus, Richard R. (1990). Pulling Up the Ladder: The Metaphysical Roots of Wittgenstein's Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. La Salle, Ill.: Open Court. ISBN 978-0812691252. Explores the continental influences on Wittgenstein, often overlooked by more traditional analytic works.
  • Drury, Maurice O'Connor (1973). The Danger of Words and Writings on Wittgenstein. Routledge and Kegan Paul. p. 225. ISBN 1-85506-490-1. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help) A collection of Drury's writings concerning Wittgenstein, edited and introduced by David Berman, Michael Fitzgerald and John Hayes.
  • Edmonds, David (2001). Wittgenstein's Poker. New York: Ecco. p. 288. ISBN 978-0571227358. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help) A review of the origin of the conflict between Karl Popper and Wittgenstein, focused on events leading up to their volatile first encounter at 1946 Cambridge meeting.
  • Fonteneau, Françoise : L’éthique du silence. Wittgenstein et Lacan. Paris: Seuil. 1999
  • Glock, Hans-Johann (1996). A Wittgenstein Dictionary. Oxford, UK; Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell Reference. ISBN 0-631-18112-1.
  • Grayling, A. C. (2001). Wittgenstein: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-285411-9. An introduction aimed at the non-specialist reader.
  • Guetti, James (1993). Wittgenstein and the Grammar of Literary Experience. University of Georgia Press. ISBN 0-8203-1496-X.
  • Hacker, P. M. S. (1986). Insight and Illusion: Themes in the Philosophy of Wittgenstein. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 0-19-824783-4.
  • Hacker, P. M. S. (1996). Wittgenstein's Place in Twentieth Century Analytic Philosophy. Oxford, UK; Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell Reference. ISBN 0-631-20098-3. An analysis of the relationship between Wittgenstein's thought and that of Frege, Russell, and the Vienna Circle.
  • Harré, Rom (2005). Wittgenstein and Psychology: A Practical Guide. Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help) Looks at practical uses of Wittgenstein's later theories in a hands-on psychological context.
  • Kitching, Gavin (2003). Wittgenstein and Society: Essays in Conceptual Puzzlement. Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate. ISBN 0-7546-3342-X.
  • Leitner, Bernhard (1973). The Architecture of Ludwig Wittgenstein: A Documentation. Halifax: Press of the Nova Scotia College of Art and Design. ISBN 0-919616-00-3.
  • Malcolm, Norman (1958). Ludwig Wittgenstein: A Memoir. London, New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-924759-5. A portrait by someone who knew Wittgenstein well.
  • McGuiness, Brian (1988). Young Ludwig: Wittgenstein's Life, 1889–1921. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 0-19-927994-2.
  • Monk, Ray (2005). How To Read Wittgenstein. New York: Norton. ISBN 1-86207-724-X. Using key texts from Wittgenstein's writings the author gives insight into how his philosophy can be interpreted.
  • Monk, Ray (1990). Ludwig Wittgenstein: The Duty of Genius. New York: Free Press, Maxwell Macmillan International. ISBN 0-14-015995-9. A biography that also attempts to explain his philosophy.
  • Schulte, Joachim (1992). Wittgenstein: An Introduction. Albany: State University of New York Press. ISBN 0-7914-1082-X. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help) A concise introduction to Wittgenstein's philosophy illuminated with passages from his work.
  • Sterrett, Susan G. (2005). Wittgenstein Flies a Kite: A Story of Models of Wings and Models of the World. New York: Pi Press. ISBN 0-13-149997-1. Accessible study of early years up to writing of Tractatus, interweaving history of flight, science and technology with logic and philosophy.

For an in-depth exegesis of Wittgenstein's later work, see the 4-volume analytical commentary by P.M.S. Hacker, volumes 1 and 2 co-authored with G. P. Baker:

  1. Wittgenstein: Understanding and Meaning. 1980. ISBN 0-631-12111-0.
  2. Wittgenstein: Rules, Grammar, and Necessity. 1985. ISBN 0-631-13024-1.
  3. Wittgenstein: Meaning and Mind. 1990. ISBN 0-631-18739-1.
  4. Wittgenstein: Mind and Will. 1996. ISBN 0-631-18739-1.

أعمال عن ڤيتگنشتاين

  • The Jew of Linz, by Kimberley Cornish, puts forward the controversial thesis that Hitler's antisemitism arose from his dislike of Wittgenstein, and that Wittgenstein was a Soviet agent who recruited the "Cambridge Five".
  • City of God depicts an imaginary rivalry between Wittgenstein and Einstein, with Wittgenstein assuming the role of the narrator. Authored by E. L. Doctorow.
  • Wittgenstein, a film by the avant-garde filmmaker Derek Jarman (1993). The script and the original treatment by Terry Eagleton have been published as a book by the British Film Institute.
  • Ludwig Wittgenstein, Architect, an extensive account of Wittgenstein's design of the house for his sister in Vienna. Written by Paul Wijdeveld, MIT Press, 1994.
  • The Fifth Wittgenstein, a discussion of the connection between Wittgenstein's architecture and his philosophy by Kari Jormakka, Datutop 24, 2004.
  • The World as I Found It by Bruce Duffy, a recreation of the life of Wittgenstein (1987).
  • Wittgenstein's Poker: The Story of a Ten-Minute Argument Between Two Great Philosophers, by David Edmonds and John Eidenow (2002), describes the famous 10 minute meeting between Wittgenstein and Karl Popper which occurred on October 25, 1946. ISBN 0-06-093664-9.
  • Feminist Interpretations of Ludwig Wittgenstein, edited by Naomi Scheman and Peg O'Connor, offers a look at Wittgenstein's philosophies through a feminist perspective. ISBN 0-271-02198-5.
  • Oppression and Responsibility by Peg O'Connor, a Wittgensteinian approach to social practice and moral theory.

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