العصور المظلمة اليونانية
العصور المظلمة اليونانية و العصر المظلم اليوناني (ح. 1200 ق.م.–800 ق.م.) هما تعبيران يستعملان بانتظام للاشارة إلى فترة من التاريخ اليوناني من الغزو الدوري المفترض ونهاية حضارة القصور الميكنية حوالي 1200 ق.م.، إلى أول علامات صعود المدن-الدول اليونانية القديمة في القرن 9 ق.م. إلا أن هذين التعبيرين آخذان في الإنزواء، لأن أولهما يفتقد الدليل الأثري الذي كان يـُستخدم لتبريره منذ اثبات أنه كان مجرد عدم العثور على آثار من عصر ما لا يعني ذلك العصر كان مظلماً.[1]
غزو الپلوپونيز
غزا شبه جزيرة الپلوپونيز شعبٌ ذو روح حربية ، طويل القامات ، مستدير الرؤوس ، معدوم الصلة بالأدب، اجتاحت بلاد اليونان حوالي عام 1104 ق.م. موجة جديدة من الهجرة أو الغزو متدفقة من الشمال القلق المضطرب النازع إلى التوسع؛ فقد انزلق البلوبونيز، أو تدفق عليها، بعد أن اخترق إليريا و تساليا وعبر خليج كورنثة عند نوپاكتوس Naupactus ، ومضيق كورنثة عند كورنثة نفسها، واستولى على البلاد وقضى على الحضارة الميسينية قضاء يكاد يكون مبرماً. وكل ما نقوله عن أصلهم وعن الطريق الذي سلكوه لا يرقى إلى أكثر من الحدس والتخمين.
أما أخلاقهم وأثرهم في البلاد التي فتحوها فإن علمنا عنهما يرقى إلى مرتبة اليقين. لقد كانوا لا يزالون في مرحلة الرعي والصيد؛ وكانوا من حين إلى حين يستقرون لفلح الأرض ، ولكن جل إعتمادهم كان على ماشيتهم ، وكانت حاجة هذه الماشية إلى المرعى الجديد سبباً في كثرة تنقلهم وعدم إستقرارهم. وكان الشيء الوحيد الموفور عندهم وفرة لم يسمع بها عند غيرهم هو الحديد؛ ومن أجل ذلك كانوا هم رسل الثقافة الهلستانية إلى بلاد اليونان؛ وكانت صلابة أسلافهم وشدة بأسهم سبباً في تفوقهم على الآخيين والكريتيين، وفي قسوة قلوبهم وبطشهم الشديد ، وكان الآخيون والكريتيون وقتئذ يستخدمون أسلحة من البرونز. والراجح أنهم تدفقوا من الغرب والشرق ، من إليس ومجارا، على ممالك البلوبونيز المتفرقة الصغيرة وذبحوا بسيوفهم طبقاتها الحاكمة، وإتخذوا من بقي من الميسينيين أرقاء. ودمرت النيان وتيرينز وأضحت أرگوس عاصمة [جزيرة بلوبس] وظلت كذلك مائتين من السنين. وإستولى الغزاة في برزخ كورنثة على أكروكورنثوس Acrocorinthus وهي قمة عالية تشرف على ما حولها وتسيطر عليه ، وشادوا حولها مدينة كورنثة الدورية(80), وفر أمامهم من بقي حياً من الدوريين ، فلجأ بعضهم إلى جبال البلوبونيز الشمالية، وبعضهم إلى أتيكا، وعبر بعضهم البحر إلى الجزائر وإلى سواحل آسيا. وإقتفى الفاتحون أثرهم إلى أتكا ولكنهم صدوا عنها؛ وجاءوا في أثرهم إلى كريت(81) ، ودمروا ما بقي من نوسس تدميراً تاماً؛ واستولوا على ميلوس وثيرا Thera، وكوس Cos، ونيدوس Nidus ورودس.
وكان الخراب أشمل وأتم في جميع أنحاء البلوبونيز وكريت حيث إزدهرت الحضارة الميسينية أكثر من إزدهارها في غيرها الأصقاع. وهذه الكارثة الختامية التي وقعت في العصر السابق للحضارة الإيجية هي المعروفة لدى المؤرخين المحدثين بإسم الفتح الدوري ، والتي تسميها الرواية اليونانية "عودة الهرقليين". ذلك أن الظافرين لم يقنعوا بأن يسموا انتصارهم هذا غلبة أقوام همج على شعب متحضر، بل قالوا إن ما حدث في واقع الأمر هو أن أبناء هرقل ، ومن تناسلوا من أبنائه ، حيل بينهم وبين حقهم المشروع في العودة إلى البلوبونيز ، فانتزعوا هذا الحق بقوة سواعدهم وبطولتهم. ولسنا نعرف ما في هذا القول من الحقائق التاريخية ، وما فيه من الأساطير الدبلوماسية التي يقصد بها تصوير هذا الفتح الدموي في صورة حق مقدس. وإنا ليصعب علينا أن نعتقد أن الدوريين قد برعوا في الكذب هذه البراعة كلها في شباب العالم. وقد تكون القصتان كلتاهما صحيحتين وهو ما لم يسلم به المحاجون: فقد يكون الدوريون غزاة فاتحين من الشمال يقودهم أبناء هرقل وحفدته.
الثقافة
With the collapse of the palatial centers, no more monumental stone buildings were built, and the practice of wall painting may have ceased. Writing in the Linear B script also ceased, and vital trade links were lost as towns and villages were abandoned. Writing in the Linear B script ended particularly due to the redistributive palace economy crashing; there was no longer a need to keep records about commerce.[2] The population of Greece declined.[3] The world of organized state armies, kings, officials, and redistributive systems disappeared. Most of the information about the period comes from burial sites and the grave goods contained within them.
The emerging fragmented, localized, and autonomous cultures lacked cultural and aesthetic cohesion and are noted for their diversity of material cultures in pottery styles (e.g. conservative in Athens, eclectic in Knossos), burial practices, and settlement structures. The Protogeometric style of pottery was stylistically simpler than earlier designs, characterized by lines and curves. On the other hand, generalizations about the "Dark Age Society" are considered simplifications, because the range of cultures throughout Greece at the time cannot be grouped into a single "Dark Age Society" category.[4]
Tholos tombs are found in Early Iron Age Thessaly and in Crete but not in general elsewhere, and cremation was the dominant rite in Attica but nearby in the Argolid, it was burial.[5] Some former sites of Mycenaean palaces, such as Argos or Knossos, continued to be occupied; the fact that other sites experienced an expansive "boom time" of a generation or two before they were abandoned has been associated by James Whitley with the "big-man social organization", which is based on personal charisma and is inherently unstable: he interprets Lefkandi in this light.[6]
Some regions in Greece, such as Attica, Euboea, and central Crete, recovered economically from these events faster than others, but life for common Greeks would have remained relatively unchanged as it had for centuries. There was still farming, weaving, metalworking and pottery but at a lower level of output and for local use in local styles. Some technical innovations were introduced around 1050 BC with the start of the Protogeometric style (1050 BC – 900 BC), such as the superior pottery technology that included a faster potter's wheel for superior vase shapes and the use of a compass to draw perfect circles and semicircles for decoration. Better glazes were achieved by higher temperature firing of the clay. However, the overall trend was toward simpler, less intricate pieces and fewer resources being devoted to the creation of beautiful art.
The smelting of iron was learned from Cyprus and the Levant and was exploited and improved upon by using local deposits of iron ore previously ignored by the Mycenaeans: edged weapons were now within reach of less elite warriors. Though the universal use of iron was one shared feature among Dark Age settlements,[7] it is still uncertain when the forged iron weapons and armour achieved strength superior to those that had previously been cast and hammered from bronze. From 1050, many small local iron industries appeared, and by 900, almost all weapons in grave goods were made of iron.
The distribution of the Ionic Greek dialect in historic times indicates early movement from mainland Greece to the Anatolian coast to such sites as Miletus, Ephesus, and Colophon, perhaps as early as 1000 BC, but contemporaneous evidence is scant. In Cyprus, some archaeological sites begin to show identifiably Greek ceramics;[8] a colony of Euboean Greeks was established at Al Mina on the Syrian coast, and the revival of an Aegean Greek network of exchange can be detected from 10th-century BC Attic Proto-geometric pottery found in Crete and at Samos, off the coast of Asia Minor.[9]
Religion in the Greek Dark Ages is seen to be a continuation of Bronze Age Greek Religion,[10] specifically the ideas of Hero worship, and how the gods' powers were attributed.
قبرص ما بعد الموكني
قبرص سكنها خليط من "Pelasgians" و الفينيقيون, joined during this period by the first Greek settlements. Potters in Cyprus initiated the most elegant new pottery style of the 10th and 9th centuries, the "Cypro-Phoenician" "black on red" style[11] of small flasks and jugs that held precious contents, probably scented oil. Together with distinctively Greek Euboean ceramic wares, it was widely exported and is found in Levantine sites, including صور and far inland in the late 11th and 10th centuries. Cypriot metalwork was exchanged في كريت.
المجتمع
Greece during this period was likely divided into independent regions organized by kinship groups and the oikoi or households, the origins of the later poleis. Most Greeks did not live in isolated farmsteads but in small settlements. It is likely that at the dawn of the historical period two or three hundred years later, the main economic resource for each family was the ancestral plot of land of the Oikos, the kleros or allotment. Without this, a man could not marry.[12]
Excavations of Dark Age communities such as Nichoria in the Peloponnese have shown how a Bronze Age town was abandoned in 1150 BC but then reemerged as a small village cluster by 1075 BC. At this time there were only around forty families living there with plenty of good farming land and grazing for cattle.[13] The remains of a 10th century BC building, including a megaron, on the top of the ridge has led to speculation that this was the chieftain's house.[14][15] This was a larger structure than those surrounding it but it was still made from the same materials (mud brick and thatched roof).[16] It was perhaps also a place of religious significance and communal storage of food. High-status individuals did in fact exist in the Dark Age, but their standard of living was not significantly higher than others of their village.[17][صفحة مطلوبة]
دفن لفكندي
Lefkandi on the island of Euboea was a prosperous settlement in the Late Bronze Age,[18] possibly to be identified with old Eretria.[19] It recovered quickly from the collapse of Mycenaean culture, and in 1981 excavators of a burial ground found the largest 10th century BC building yet known from Greece.[20] Sometimes called "the heroon", this long narrow building, 50 metres by 10 metres, or about 164 feet by 33 feet, contained two burial shafts. In one were placed four horses and the other contained a cremated male buried with his iron weapons and an inhumed woman, heavily adorned with gold jewellery.[21]
The man's bones were placed in a bronze jar from Cyprus, with hunting scenes on the cast rim. The woman was clad with gold coils in her hair, rings, gold breastplates, an heirloom necklace, an elaborate Cypriot or Near Eastern necklace made some 200 to 300 years before her burial, and an ivory-handled dagger at her head. The horses appeared to have been sacrificed, some appearing to have iron bits in their mouths. No evidence survives to show whether the building was erected to house the burial, or whether the "hero" or local chieftain in the grave was cremated and then buried in his grand house; whichever is true, the house was soon demolished and the debris used to form a roughly circular mound over the wall stumps.
Between this period and approximately 820 BC, rich members of the community were cremated and buried close to the eastern end of the building, in much the same way Christians might seek to be buried close to a saint's grave; the presence of imported objects, notable throughout more than eighty further burials, contrast with other nearby cemeteries at Lefkandi and attest to a lasting elite tradition.
النهاية
The archaeological record of many sites demonstrates that the economic recovery of Greece was well underway by the beginning of the 8th century BC. Cemeteries, such as the Kerameikos in Athens or Lefkandi, and sanctuaries, such as Olympia, recently founded in Delphi or the Heraion of Samos, first of the colossal free-standing temples, were richly provided with offerings – including items from the Near East, Egypt, and Italy made of exotic materials including amber and ivory.[citation needed] Exports of Greek pottery demonstrate contact with the Levant coast at sites such as Al-Mina and with the region of the Villanovan culture to the north of Rome.[22]
The decoration of pottery became more elaborate and included figured scenes that parallel the stories of Homeric Epic. Iron tools and weapons improved. Renewed Mediterranean trade brought new supplies of copper and tin to make a wide range of elaborate bronze objects, such as tripod stands like those offered as prizes in the funeral games celebrated by Achilles for Patroclus.[citation needed] Other coastal regions of Greece besides Euboea were once again full participants in the commercial and cultural exchanges of the eastern and central Mediterranean and communities developed governance by an elite group of aristocrats, rather than by the single basileus or chieftain of earlier periods.[23][صفحة مطلوبة]
انظر أيضاً
المصادر
- ديورانت, ول; ديورانت, أرييل. قصة الحضارة. ترجمة بقيادة زكي نجيب محمود.
- ^ O.T.P.K. Dickinson: The Aegean from Bronze Age to Iron Age: continuity and change between the twelfth and eighth centuries B.C. (2006)
- ^ Martin, Thomas R., (1996). "The Early Greek Dark Age and Revival in the Near East" Archived 2016-12-20 at the Wayback Machine, in: An Overview of Classical Greek History from Mycenae to Alexander.
- ^ Snodgrass 1971, pp. 360–368.
- ^ "The most striking feature of the Dark Ages is its regionalism, its material diversity" (James Whitley, "Social Diversity in Dark Age Greece", The Annual of the British School at Athens 86 [1991:341–365]) pp. 342, 344ff.
- ^ Snodgrass 1971, pp. 140–212.
- ^ Whitley 1991.
- ^ Whitley 1991, p. 343 notes regional differences in iron-working in Snodgrass 1971, pp. 213–295, and I.M. Morris, "Circulation, deposition and the formation of the Greek Iron Age," Man, n.s. 23(1989:502–19)
- ^ V. Karageorghis, Early Cyprus, 2002.
- ^ R.W.V. Catling, "Exports of Attic protogeometric pottery and their identification by non-analytical means", Annual of the British School at Athens 93 (1998:365–78), noted in Fox 2008, p. 48; Fox provides the cultural background to his study of Euboean cultural contacts in the Mediterranean in the 8th century.
- ^ Dietrich, B. C. (1970). "Some Evidence of Religious Continuity in the Greek Dark Age". Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies. 17 (17): 16–31. doi:10.1111/j.2041-5370.1970.tb00079.x. ISSN 0076-0730. JSTOR 43646246. Archived from the original on 2023-11-15. Retrieved 2023-11-15.
- ^ N. Schreiber, The Cypro-Phoenician Pottery of the iron Age, 2003
- ^ Hurwitt 1985.
- ^ Bintliff 2012, p. 221.
- ^ McDonald 1972, pp. 253-254: "The most important architectural discovery in this area was the foundations of a large apsidal building of the Early Iron Age [...] In any case, it must have been the most important building of the town in that period. Other possibilities are that it was the home of the local 'chief' or some sort of communal center".
- ^ McDonald 1975, p. 92: "[A]nd the large amount of coarse ware found within the building point to its use as a residential dwelling, perhaps a chieftain's house. In such an undoubtedly religious as well as political context, the addition of an altar in its interior might not be unexpected. Unit IV-1 may thus carry on an important Mycenaean tradition of combining sacred and domestic features in the 'palace'".
- ^ McDonald 1972, p. 254: "Fragments of mudbrick were found both inside and outside the building, suggesting that the upper walls were of brick or half-timber construction. A few pieces of plaster may indicate that the walls were plastered on the inside. The roof may have been constructed of light materials such as bamboo and thatch and supported by props resting on tie beams which spanned the space from wall to wall. Because of the extraordinary size of the building, it is questionable whether it was roofed in its entirety. The central room with the circular paved floor may have been left open to the air".
- ^ Snodgrass 1971.
- ^ "Excavations at Lefkandi: Publications". Lefkandi.classics.ox.ac.UK. Archived from the original on 2016-05-12. Retrieved 2016-01-04.
- ^ The candidates and their opponents are noted in Fox 2008, p. 51 note 23.
- ^ M. R. Popham, P. G. Calligas, and L. H. Sackett, (eds.), Lefkandi II: the Protogeometric Building at Toumba, Part 2. The Excavation, Architecture and Finds, BSA Suppl. vol. 23, Oxford 1993.
- ^ Edward Bispham, Thomas Harrison, Brian A. Sparkes, Ancient Greece and Rome, page 89, The Edinburgh Companion, Ed 2006.
- ^ Coldstream 2003, pp. 205, 207.
- ^ Coldstream 2003.
ببليوگرافيا
- Desborough, V.R.d'A. (1972). The Greek Dark Ages.
- Jean Faucounau, "Les Peuples de la Mer et leur histoire", L'Harmattan, Paris 2003.
- Latacz, J. Between Troy and Homer. The so-called Dark Ages in Greece, in: Storia, Poesia e Pensiero nel Mondo antico. Studi in Onore di M. Gigante, Rome, 1994.
- Hurwitt, Jeffrey M 1985. The Art and Culture of Early Greece 1100-480B.C. Cornell University Press. Chapters 1-3
- Jan Sammer, New Light on the Dark Age of Greece [1] (Immanuel Velikovsky Archive)
- Snodgrass, Anthony M. (c2000). The dark age of Greece : an archaeological survey of the eleventh to the eighth centuries BC. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-93635-7 (hb) ISBN 0-415-93636-5 (pb).
{{cite book}}: Check|isbn=value: invalid character (help); Check date values in:|year=(help); Cite has empty unknown parameter:|coauthors=(help) - Sandars, N.K. (c1978). The Sea Peoples: Warriors of the ancient Mediterranean 1250-1150 BC. London: Thames and Hudson. ISBN 0-500-02085-X.
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