السير تشارلز لايل، البارونـِت الأول، الحائز على لقب فارس وزميل الجمعية الملكية (المولود في 14 نوفمبر1797 - المتوفى في 22 فبراير1875) كان محامياًبريطانياًوالجيولوجي الأول في عصره. اشتهر لكونه مؤلف كتاب مبادئ الجيولوجيا، الذي نشر مفاهيم جيمس هتون حول وحدة الوتيرة Uniformitarianism - وهي الفكرة التي تقول إن الأرض تكونت من خلال العمليات نفسها التي لا تزال تتم حتى الآن. وكان لايل أحد الأصدقاء المقربين والمؤثرين على تشارلز داروين.
سيرته
ولد لايل في إسكتلندا في منطقة تبعد حوالي 15 ميلاً عن دندي في كينوردي، بالقرب من كيريمور في فورفارشاير (التي يطلق عليها الآن آنغوس). وكان هو الأكبر بين عشرة أخوة. كان والد لايل، واسمه تشارلز أيضًا، محاميًا وعالمًا في النباتات ذا شهرة محدودة: وكان أول من عرض على ابنه دراسة الطبيعة.
يقع المنزل الذي ولد فيه في شمال غرب الأراضي الوسطى المنخفضة في واديصدع المرتفعات الحدودية. وتوجد حول المنزل، في الوادي المتصدع، أراض زراعية، ولكن توجد على بعد مسافة قصيرة من الشمال الغربي، على الجانب الآخر من الصدع، جبال جرامبيان في المرتفعات.[2] ويقع المنزل الآخر لعائلته في منطقة مختلفة تمامًا جغرافيًا وبيئيًا: فقد قضى معظم سنوات طفولته في بارتلي لودج في حديقة نيو فوريست بإنجلترا.
Charles Lyell at the British Association meeting in Glasgow 1840. Painting by Alexander Craig.
التحق لايل بكلية إكستي أوكسفورد في عام 1816، واستمع إلى محاضرات وليام باكلاند. وحصل على درجة بكالوريوس الآداب من الفئة الثانية في الأدب الكلاسيكي، في ديسمبر 1819، ودرجة الماجستير في 1821.
وبعد تخرجه، اتخذ من القانون مهنةً له، ودخل لنكولن للحقوق في عام 1820. وقد قام بجولة في الريف الإنجليزي، حيث يمكنه ملاحظة الظواهر الجيولوجية. وفي عام 1821، استمع إلى محاضرات روبرت جيمسون في إدنبرج، وزار جدعون مانتل في لويس، بساسكس. وفي عام 1823، تم انتخابه أمينًا مشاركًا للجمعية الجيولوجية. وعندما بدأ بصره في التدهور، اتخذ من الجيولوجيا مهنة دائمة.[3] وقدم أول دراسة له وهي "التشكيل الأخير للحجر الجيري بالمياه العذبة في فورفارشاير" في عام 1822.[3] وبحلول عام 1827، كان قد ترك القانون وشرع في مهنة الجيولوجيا التي من شأنها أن تؤدي إلى الشهرة والقبول العام لوحدة الوتيرة، والعمل انطلاقًا من الأفكار التي اقترحها جيمس هوتون في العقود القليلة الماضية.
في عام 1832، تزوج لايل من ماري هورنر من مدينة بون، وهي ابنة ليونارد هورنر (1785 - 1864)، والتي لها علاقة أيضًا بالجمعية الجيولوجية في لندن. وقضى العروسان شهر العسل في سويسراوإيطاليا في جولة جيولوجية بالمنطقة.[4]
توفيت زوجة لايل في عام 1873، وبعد عامين توفي لايل عندما كان يراجع الإصدار الثاني عشر من المبادئ. وقد دفن في دير وستمنستر.[4][5] حصل لايل على (لقب فارس)، ولاحقًا حصل على لقب (بارونيت)، وهو لقب يتم توريثه. وتم منحه وسام كوبلي من الجمعية الملكية في عام 1858 ووسام ولاستون من الجمعية الجيولوجية في عام 1866. وقد تم تسمية فوهة بركان لايل على سطح القمر والفوهة على سطح كوكب المريخ باسمه تكريمًا له. بالإضافة إلى ذلك، فهناك جبل لايل في غرب تسمانيا بأستراليا يقع في منطقة التعدين ويحمل اسم لايل. وقد أطلق لويس أغاسيز على الأسماك اللافكية من أولد ريد ستاندستون بجنوب إسكتلندا اسم سيفالاسبيس لايلي، تكريمًا للايل.[6]
From 1830 to 1833 his multi-volume Principles of Geology was published. The work's subtitle was "An attempt to explain the former changes of the earth's surface by reference to causes now in operation", and this explains Lyell's impact on science. He drew his explanations from field studies conducted directly before he went to work on the founding geology text.[3] He was, along with the earlier John Playfair, the major advocate of James Hutton's idea of uniformitarianism, that the earth was shaped entirely by slow-moving forces still in operation today, acting over a very long time. This was in contrast to catastrophism, an idea of abrupt geological changes, which had been adapted in England to explain landscape features—such as rivers much smaller than their associated valleys—that seemed impossible to explain other than through violent action. Criticizing the reliance of his contemporaries on what he argued were ad hoc explanations, Lyell wrote,
Lyell between 1865 and 1870
Never was there a doctrine more calculated to foster indolence, and to blunt the keen edge of curiosity, than this assumption of the discordance between the former and the existing causes of change... The student was taught to despond from the first. Geology, it was affirmed, could never arise to the rank of an exact science... [With catastrophism] we see the ancient spirit of speculation revived, and a desire manifestly shown to cut, rather than patiently untie, the Gordian Knot.-Sir Charles Lyell, Principles of Geology, 1854 edition, p. 196; quoted by Stephen Jay Gould.[8]
Lyell saw himself as "the spiritual saviour of geology, freeing the science from the old dispensation of Moses."[9] The two terms, uniformitarianism and catastrophism, were both coined by William Whewell;[10] in 1866 R. Grove suggested the simpler term continuity for Lyell's view, but the old terms persisted. In various revised editions (12 in all, through 1872), Principles of Geology was the most influential geological work in the middle of the 19th century and did much to put geology on a modern footing.
المسوحات الجيولوجية
Lyell noted the "economic advantages" geological surveys could provide, citing their felicity in mineral-rich countries and provinces. Modern surveys, like the British Geological Survey (founded in 1835), and the US Geological Survey (founded in 1879), map and exhibit the natural resources within their countries. Over time, these surveys have been used extensively by modern extractive industries, such as nuclear, coal, and oil.
البراكين والديناميكا الجيولوجية
Lyell argued that volcanoes like Vesuvius had built up gradually.
Before Lyell's work, phenomena's such as earthquakes were understood by the destruction that they brought. One of the contributions that Lyell made in Principles was to explain the cause of earthquakes.[11] Lyell, in contrast, focused on more recent earthquakes (150 yrs), evidenced by surface irregularities such as faults, fissures, stratigraphic displacements and depressions.[11]
Lyell's work on volcanoes focused largely on Vesuvius and Etna, both of which he had earlier studied. His conclusions supported gradual building of volcanoes, so-called "backed up-building",[12] as opposed to the upheaval argument supported by other geologists.
علم طبقات الأرض والتاريخ البشري
Lyell was a key figure in establishing the classification of more recent geological deposits, long known as the Tertiary period. From May 1828, until February 1829, he travelled with Roderick Impey Murchison (1792–1871) to the south of France (Auvergne volcanic district) and to Italy.[12][4][13] In these areas he concluded that the recent strata (rock layers) could be categorised according to the number and proportion of marine shells encased within. Based on this the third volume of his Principles of Geology, published in 1833, proposed dividing the Tertiary period into four parts, which he named the Eocene, Miocene, Pliocene, and Recent. In 1839, Lyell termed the Pleistocene epoch, distinguishing a more recent fossil layer from the Pliocene.[14] The Recent epoch – renamed the Holocene by French paleontologist Paul Gervais in 1867 – included all deposits from the era subject to human observation. In recent years Lyell's subdivisions have been widely discussed with debates about the Anthropocene.
In Principles of Geology (first edition, vol. 3, ch. 2, 1833)[4] Lyell proposed that icebergs could be the means of transport for erratics. During periods of global warming, ice breaks off the poles and floats across submerged continents, carrying debris with it, he conjectured. When the iceberg melts, it rains down sediments upon the land. Because this theory could account for the presence of diluvium, the word drift became the preferred term for the loose, unsorted material, today called till. Furthermore, Lyell believed that the accumulation of fine angular particles covering much of the world (today called loess) was a deposit settled from mountain flood water.[15] Today some of Lyell's mechanisms for geological processes have been disproven, though many have stood the test of time.[3] His observational methods and general analytical framework remain in use today as foundational principles in geology.[3]
التطور
Portrait of Charles Lyell, Scottish geologist, c. 1863
Lyell initially accepted the conventional view of other men of science, that the fossil record indicated a directional geohistory in which species went extinct. Around 1826, when he was on circuit, he read Lamarck's Zoological Philosophy and on 2 March 1827 wrote to Mantell, expressing admiration, but cautioning that he read it "rather as I hear an advocate on the wrong side, to know what can be made of the case in good hands".:[16]
I devoured Lamarck... his theories delighted me... I am glad that he has been courageous enough and logical enough to admit that his argument, if pushed as far as it must go, if worth anything, would prove that men may have come from the Ourang-Outang. But after all, what changes species may really undergo!... That the earth is quite as old as he supposes, has long been my creed...[17]
He struggled with the implications for human dignity, and later in 1827 wrote private notes on Lamarck's ideas. Lyell reconciled transmutation of species with natural theology by suggesting that it would be as much a "remarkable manifestation of creative Power" as creating each species separately. He countered Lamarck's views by rejecting continued cooling of the earth in favour of "a fluctuating cycle", a long-term steady-state geohistory as proposed by James Hutton. The fragmentary fossil record already showed "a high class of fishes, close to reptiles" in the Carboniferous period which he called "the first Zoological era", and quadrupeds could also have existed then. In November 1827, after William Broderip found a Middle Jurassic fossil of the early mammal Didelphis, Lyell told his father that "There was everything but man even as far back as the Oolite."[16] Lyell inaccurately portrayed Lamarckism as a response to the fossil record, and said it was falsified by a lack of progress. He said in the second volume of Principles that the occurrence of this one fossil of the higher mammalia "in these ancient strata, is as fatal to the theory of successive development, as if several hundreds had been discovered."[18]
Charles Darwin
In the first edition of Principles, the first volume briefly set out Lyell's concept of a steady state with no real progression of fossils. The sole exception was the advent of humanity, with no great physical distinction from animals, but with absolutely unique intellectual and moral qualities. The second volume dismissed Lamarck's claims of animal forms arising from habits, continuous spontaneous generation of new life, and man having evolved from lower forms. Lyell explicitly rejected Lamarck's concept of transmutation of species, drawing on Cuvier's arguments, and concluded that species had been created with stable attributes. He discussed the geographical distribution of plants and animals, and proposed that every species of plant or animal was descended from a pair or individual, originated in response to differing external conditions. Species would regularly go extinct, in a "struggle for existence" between hybrids, or a "war one with another" due to population pressure. He was vague about how replacement species formed, portraying this as an infrequent occurrence which could rarely be observed.[19]
The leading man of science Sir John Herschel wrote from Cape Town on 20 February 1836, thanking Lyell for sending a copy of Principles and praising the book as opening a way for bold speculation on "that mystery of mysteries, the replacement of extinct species by others" – by analogy with other intermediate causes, "the origination of fresh species, could it ever come under our cognizance, would be found to be a natural in contradistinction to a miraculous process".[20] Lyell replied: "In regard to the origination of new species, I am very glad to find that you think it probable that it may be carried on through the intervention of intermediate causes. I left this rather to be inferred, not thinking it worth while to offend a certain class of persons by embodying in words what would only be a speculation."[21]Whewell subsequently questioned this topic, and in March 1837 Lyell told him:[22]
As a result of his letters and, no doubt, personal conversations, Huxley and Ernst Haeckel were convinced that, at the time he wrote Principles, he believed new species had arisen by natural methods. Adam Sedgwick wrote worried letters to him about this.[24]
By the time Darwin returned from the Beagle survey expedition in 1836, he had begun to doubt Lyell's ideas about the permanence of species. He continued to be a close personal friend, and Lyell was one of the first scientists to support On the Origin of Species, though he did not subscribe to all its contents. Lyell was also a friend of Darwin's closest colleagues, Joseph Dalton Hooker and Huxley, but unlike them he struggled to square his religious beliefs with evolution. This inner struggle has been much commented on. He had particular difficulty in believing in natural selection as the main motive force in evolution.[25][26][27]
Lyell and Hooker were instrumental in arranging the peaceful co-publication of the theory of natural selection by Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace in 1858: each had arrived at the theory independently. Lyell's views on gradual change and the power of a long time scale were important because Darwin thought that populations of an organism changed very slowly.
Although Lyell rejected evolution at the time of writing the Principles,[28][استشهاد ناقص] after the Darwin–Wallace papers and the Origin Lyell wrote in one of his notebooks on 3 May 1860:
Mr. Darwin has written a work which will constitute an era in geology & natural history to show that... the descendants of common parents may become in the course of ages so unlike each other as to be entitled to rank as a distinct species, from each other or from some of their progenitors...[29]
Lyell's acceptance of natural selection, Darwin's proposed mechanism for evolution, was equivocal, and came in the tenth edition of Principles.[3][30]The Antiquity of Man (published in early February 1863, just before Huxley's Evidence as to Man's Place in Nature) drew these comments from Darwin to Huxley: "I am fearfully disappointed at Lyell's excessive caution" and "The book is a mere 'digest'".[31]
Quite strong remarks: no doubt Darwin resented Lyell's repeated suggestion that he owed a lot to Lamarck, whom he (Darwin) had always specifically rejected.[تحليل شخصي][citation needed] Darwin's daughter Henrietta (Etty) wrote to her father: "Is it fair that Lyell always calls your theory a modification of Lamarck's?"[32][33]
In other respects Antiquity was a success. It sold well, and it "shattered the tacit agreement that mankind should be the sole preserve of theologians and historians".[34] But when Lyell wrote that it remained a profound mystery how the huge gulf between man and beast could be bridged, Darwin wrote "Oh!" in the margin of his copy.[35]
All the books except the Broadway Lectures were published by London, John Murray, Albemarle-Street.
الجيولوجيا
الكتب
Principles of Geology: Being an Attempt to Explain the Former Changes of the Earth's Surface, by Reference to Causes Now in Operation (12 editions) (1830-75)
Elements of Geology (A Manual of Elementary Geology - The Ancient Changes of the Earth and its Inhabitants as Illustrated by Geological Monuments) (9 editions) (1838-74)
Travels in North America in the years 1841-2 with geological observations on the United States, Canada, and Nova Scotia (2 Volumes) (2 editions) (1845 and 1855)
On a recent Formation of Freshwater Limestone in Forfarshire and on some recent Deposits of Freshwater Marl/ Geological Society's Transactions 1825.
On Serpentine Dyke in Forfarshire Edinburgh Journal of Science, 1825.
On Various Scientific Institutions in England,’ Quarterly Review, 1825.
“Art. VIII. 1. Transactions of the Cambridge Philosophical Society. vol. 1. 2. Memoirs of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Manchester. 2nd Series, vol. iv. London, 1824. 3. Transactions of the Royal Geological Society of Cornwall, instituted February 11, vol. i and ii. Penzance. 4. Report of the Liverpool Royal Institution. 1822. 5. Bristol Institution. Proceedings of the Second Annual Meeting held February 10, 1825 etc. 6. Annual Report of the Council of the Yorkshire Philosophical Society for 1824,” Quart. Rev. 34 (1826): 153-79.
“Art. IX. Transactions of the Geological Society of London vol. i. 2d Series. London 1824,” Quart. Rev. 34 (1826): 507-40.
“Art. X. Letter to Mr. Brougham on the Subject of a London University, together with Suggestions respecting the Plan. By T. Campbell Esq., London, 1825,” Quart. Rev. 33 (1825-26): 257-75.
On Fossil Bones of the Elephant and other Animals found near Salisbury ’ Geological Society's Proceedings, 1826.
On the Strata of the Plastic Clay Formation between Christchurch Hants, and Studland Bay, Dorset,’ Geological Society's Transactions 1826
On the Freshwater Strata of Hordwell Cliff, Beacon Cliff, and Barton Clift, Hampshire,’ Geological Society's Transactions, 1826.
Review of Scrope’s ‘Geology of Central France,’ Quarterly Review, 1826.
“Art. VIII. ‘State of the Universities ” Quart. Rev. 36 (1827): 216-68. V “Art. IV. Memoir on the Geology of Central France; including the Volcanic Formations of Auvergne, the Velay and the Vivarais, with a volume of Maps and Plates. By G. P. Scrope F.R.S., F.G.S., London 1827.” Quart. Rev. 36 (1827): 437-83.
Roderick Impey Murchison on Excavation of Valleys,’ Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, 1829.
Roderick Impey Murchison on Lacustrine Deposits of Cantal,’ Annales des Sciences Naturelles, 1829. (Sur les depots lacustres tertiaires du Cantal, et leurs rapports avec les roches primordiales et volcaniques,” Ann. Sci. Arat. 18 (1829): 173-214; in French)
Roderick Impey Murchison on Freshwater Formation of Aix in Provence,’ Edinburgh Philosophical Journal, 1829.
Reply to a Note in the Rev. Mr. Conybeare’s paper entitled ‘An examination of those phaenomena of geology which seem to bear most directly on theoretical speculations/ ” Phil. Mag. 9 (1831): 1-3.
On Freshwater Formation of Cerdagne in the Pyrenees,’ Magazine of Natural History, 1834.
On the Proofs of a gradual Rising of the Land in certain Parts of Sweden, The Bakerian Lecture,’ Philosophical Transactions, 1834.
On the Change of Level of the Land and Sea in Scandinavia,’ British Association Report, 1834.
On Relative Ages of Crag in Norfolk and Suffolk,’ Magazine of Natural History, 1835,
On the Cretaceous and Tertiary Strata of the Danish Islands of Seeland and Moen,’ 1835.
On the Occurrence of Fossil Vertebras of Fish of the Shark Family in Loess of the Rhine,’ Geological Proceedings, 1835.
Address to the Geological Society, delivered at the Anniversary on the 19th of February 1836,” Proceedings Geological Society London 2 (1834-37): 357 90.
Address to the Geological Society, delivered at the Anniversary, on the 17th of February, 1837,” Proceedings Geological Society London 2 (1834-37): 479- 523.
On Phenomena connected with the Junction of Granitic and Transition Rocks near Christiania in Norway,’ British Association Report, 1837
On Vertical Lines of Flint, traversing Horizontal Strata of Chalk near Norwich,’ British Association Report, 1838
On the Occurrence of Graptolites in the Slate of Galloway,’ Geological Proceedings, 1838.
Remarks on Captain Bayfield's Canada Shells,’ Geological Transactions, 1839.
On Remains of Mammalia in the Crag and London Clay of Suffolk,’ British Association Report, 1839.
On Sandpipes in Chalk near Norwich,’ Philosophical Magazine, 1839.
On Fossil Teeth of Leopard, Bear, &c. at Newbourn, Suffolk,’ Annals of Natural History, 1839.
On Fossil Quadrumana, Marsupials, &c., in London Olay, near Woodbridge, Suffolk,’ Annals of Natural History IV., 1839.
On Ancient Sea-cliffs in the Valley of the Seine in Normandy,’ British Association Report, 1840.
On the Boulder Formation and Mud Cliffs of Eastern Norfolk,’ Geological Magazine, 1840.
On the Geological Evidence of the former Existence of Glaciers in Forfarshire,’ Geological Proceedings, 1840.
On the Genus Conus in the Lias of Normandy,’ Annals of Natural History VI., 1840.
On the Faluns of the Loire,’ Geological Society's Proceedings, 1841.
On the Freshwater Fossil Fishes of Mundesley as determined by Agassiz,’ Geological Society's Proceedings, 1841.
Remarks on the Silurian Strata between Aymestry and Wenlock,’ Geological Society's Proceedings, 1841.
Notes on the Silurian Strata near Christiania in Norway,’ Geological Proceedings, 1841.
On the Carboniferous and Older Rocks of Pennsylvania,’ 1841.
On the Recession of the Falls of Niagara,’ Geological Society's Proceedings , 1842.
On the Elevated Beaches and Boulder Formations of the Canadian Lakes and Valley of St. Lawrence,’ Geological Society's Proceedings, 1842.
On Fossil Footprints of Birds, Connecticut,’ Geological Society's Proceedings, 1842
On the Tertiary Formations in Virginia, 1842.
On Tertiary Strata of Martha's Vineyard, Geological Society's Proceedings, 1843.
On Mastodon at Big-bone-Lick, Kentucky,’ Geological Society's Proceedings, 1848
On Coal and Gypsum of Nova Scotia,’ Geological Society's Proceedings, 1843,
On Loess of the Rhine,’ Edinburgh Philosophical Journal, 1843.
On Chalk of New Jersey,’ Geological Journal, 1844.
On Age of Plumbago and Anthracite at Worcester, Massachusetts," 1844
Report on Haswell Colliery, Lyell and Faraday,’ Geological Journal, 1844
On Miocene Strata of Maryland, Virginia,’ &c. 1845
On White Limestone, and Eocene Formation in Virginia, Carolina, &c., Geological Journal, 1845,
On Lava-currents, Auvergne,’ Geological Journal, 1845.
On Goal-Field of Tuscaloosa, Alabama,’ Silliman’s Journal, 1846 ‘ On Alabama Coal-fields,’ Geological Journal, 1846.
On Newer Deposits of Southern States, Claiborne,’ Geological Journal, 1846
On Fossil Footprints, allied to Cheirotherium, in Pennsylvania,’ Geological Journal, 1846.
On Delta of Mississippi,’ Lecture to the British Association, 1846.
Age of Volcanoes in Auvergne, as determined by Fossil Mammalia,’ Lecture at Royal Institution , 1847.
On Structure and Probable Age of Coal-field of James River, Virginia ’ Geological Society, 1847.
On Craters of Denudation with Observations on the Structure and Growth of "Volcanic Cones,’ Geological Society's Proceedings, 1849.
On Recent Foot-prints on Red Mud in Nova Scotia,’ Geological Journal, 1849.
Lecture on Delta of Mississippi at the Royal Institution,’ 1849.
On Forests of Erect Fossil Trees in Coal Strata of North America,’ Lecture at Royal Institution, 1850.
President’s Address to Geological Society of London,’ 1850-1
On Impressions of Raindrops in Ancient and Modern Strata,’ Lecture at Royal Institution, 1851
On Fossil Rain-marks of the Recent Triassic and Carboniferous Periods,’ Geological Quarterly Journal, 1851.
On Blacklieath Pebble-bed, and on Certain Phenomena in the Geology of the Neighbourhood of London,’ Royal Institution's Proceedings, 1851
On Tertiary Strata of Belgium and French Flanders,’ Geological Journal, 1852
On Remains of Dendrerpeton and Land Shells in Nova Scotia, by Sir C. Lyell and J. W. Dawson, with Notes by Wyman,’ Quarterly Geological Journal, 1853.
On Geology of Madeira,’ Quarterly Geological Journal, 1853.
On Erratic Blocks West of Massachusetts,’ Royal Institution Lecture, 1855.
On Successive Changes in Temple of Serapis,’ Royal Institution Lecture, 1856.
On Stony Lava on Steep Slopes on Etna,’ Royal Society's Proceedings, 1858.
On Consolidation of Lava and on Volcanoes,’ Royal Institution Lecture, 1859.
كتب سيرة
The Life, Letters and Journals (2 Volumes) (1881) - posthumously edited by Katharine Murray Lyell12
^Keith Stewart Thomson (2009). The Young Charles Darwin. Yale University Press. p. 109. ISBN9780300136081. In his religious views, Lyell was essentially a deist, holding the position that God had originally created the world and life on it, and then had allowed nature to operate according to its own (God-given) natural laws, rather than constantly intervening to direct and shape the course of all history.
^Whewell, William 1837. History of the Inductive Sciences, vol. IV of the Historical and Philosophical Works of William Whewell. Chapter VIII The two antagonistic doctrines of geology. [reprint of 3rd edition of 1857, publ. Cass 1967].
^Lyell, Charles (1881). "XXIV". Life, Letters and Journals of Sir Charles Lyell. John Murray. p. 110. You hint at icebergs and northern waves. The former has no doubt had its influence, and when icebergs turn over, or fall to pieces, huge waves are caused not merely from the north. But it has always seemed to me that much more influence ought to be attributed to simple denudation where beds of loose sand, gravel, or mud were upheaved, and sometimes alternately depressed and upraised in an open sea. The exposure of such destructible materials must have led to the confusion you allude to, but much less so where the beds were protected in fiords, &c. The broken fossils found in these strata would agree with my denudation hypothesis, which I think strengthened by the frequent regular re-stratification of the beds containing the deep and shallow water species.
^ أبRudwick (2010), pp. 244–250. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFRudwick2010 (help)
^Lyell K. 1881. The life and letters of Sir Charles Lyell. 2 vols, London. vol. 1 p. 168
^Desmond (1982), p. 179: "Even Charles Lyell agreed... that 'natural selection was a force quite subordinate to that variety-making or creative power to which all the wonders of the organic world must be referred.' " sfnp error: no target: CITEREFDesmond1982 (help)
^Burkhardt F. and Smith S. 1982–present. The correspondence of Charles Darwin. Cambridge, vol. 11, pp. 173, 181.
^Burkhardt F. and Smith S. 1982–present. The correspondence of Charles Darwin. Cambridge, vol. 11, p. 223.
MaComber, Richard W. (1997). "Lyell, Sir Charles, Baronet". The New Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
Wilson, Leonard G. (1973). "Charles Lyell". In Gillispie, Charles Coulston (ed.). Dictionary of Scientific Biography. Vol. VIII. Pennsylvania: Charles Scribner's Sons. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
Thanukos, Anna (2012). "Uniformitarianism: Charles Lyell". University of California Museum of Paleontology. Retrieved 23 July 2012. {{cite web}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
Porter, Roy S. (1976). "Charles Lyell and the Principles of the History of Geology". The British Journal for the History of Science. 32 (2): 91–103. JSTOR4025798. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
مصدر الصورة
Portraits of Honorary Members of the Ipswich Museum (Portfolio of 60 lithographs by T.H. Maguire) (George Ransome, Ipswich 1846–1852)
Geological Evidences of the Antiquity of Man at wikisource.
