أنات

(تم التحويل من Anath)
للاستخدامات الأخرى، انظر أنات (توضيح)
عناة Anat
ربة الحرب
تمثال برونزي لعناة ترتدي تاج أتـِف رافعة ذراعها (كانت في الأصل تمسك بلطة أو هراوة)، يرجع تاريخ التمثال إلى 1400-1200 ق.م، عُثر عليه في سوريا.
الاسم بالهيروغليفية
a
n		 tiit
H8		 I12
الرمزAtef Crown
المنطقةكنعان و المشرق
الأبوانإل و عشيرة
القرينبعل هدد (أوغاريت)
يهوى (عنات-يهوى)
ست (الديتانة المصرية القديمة)
الآلهة المكافئة
المكافئ اليونانيأثينا[1][2][3]
المكافئ الرومانيمينرڤا
المكافئ الهندوسيدورگا
هذه المقالة تحتوي نص أوغاريتي. بدون دعم إظهار مناسب، فقد تشاهد علامات استفهام أو مربعات أو رموز أخرى بدلاً من الأبجدية الأوغاريتية.
الدين في الشرق الأدنى القديم
آلهة مصرية
العربية
الإبلاوية
العيلامية
الحورية
المشرقية
(الكنعانية و الأوغاريتية)
آلهة الهلال الخصيب
آلهة بلاد ما بين النهرين
آلهة يونانية

عناة (/ˈɑːnɑːt/, /ˈænæt/) أو عنت (/ˈænəθ/؛ بالعبرية وبالفينيقية ענת, عنوات؛ بالأوگاريتية ‘nt؛ باليونانية Αναθ, عنت؛ بالمصرية عنتيت، عنيت، عنتي, أو عنت)، هي إلهة في سامية شمالية شرقية رئيسية. يميّز تمثيلاتها الأسد والبردى واللوتس وطوق الشعر والتاج المقرن والأفعى، ترافق بعل في سيرته الميثولوجية، ويعتقد أنها تمثل أخته وزوجته وعشيقته، كما يعتقد أنها كانت تمثل ربة للصيد والحرب.

الأصل

According to Wilfred G. Lambert, Anat should be identified with the goddess Ḫanat (a transcription without the breve below the first consonant, Hanat, is also in use[4][5]) known from the texts from Mari,[6] and originally worshiped further south, in Suhum.[7] While Jean-Marie Durand argues against this connection, and his view has also been adopted by Lluís Feliu,[7] Lambert's theory has been accepted by a number of other researchers, including Wilfred G. E. Watson,[6] Gebhard J. Selz,[8] Volkert Haas[5] and Daniel Schwemer.[9] Multiple Assyriologists, including Andrew R. George[10] and Julia M. Asher-Greve, outright refer to the goddess from Suhum, still worshiped there in later periods, simply as Anat,[11] and it has been pointed out that her name, while originally rendered as Ḫanat in documents pertaining to this area, is written as an-at in inscriptions of local origin from the first millennium BCE.[9]

In the light of Lambert's theory, Anat, like her presumed forerunner Ḫanat, would be an Amorite deity in origin.[6]

Multiple etymologies of Anat's name have been proposed.[6][12][13] While none have been conclusively proven, the view it is a cognate of the Arabic word ‘anwat, "force" or "violence," is considered plausible.[12][14] Peggy L. Day notes that this proposal and the view that Anat and Ḫanat are analogous "dovetail" each other.[12] Lambert assumed that Ḫanat's name could refer to the Ḫanaeans (Ḫana), an Amorite group.[6] Similarly, Durand derives it from ḫana, which he considers to be a label analogous to Bedouin.[7] However, Ḫanat's homonymous cult center apparently was not located in the lands considered the territory of the Ḫanaeans.[12]

نظريات أقدم

A number of proposals regarding the origin of Anat's name are no longer considered plausible in modern scholarship due to relying entirely on incorrect past evaluations of her character.[12] One such example is Ariella Deem's suggestion that it was derived from a purely hypothetical root *’nh, "to make love."[12] While in the past scholarship Anat was described as a "patroness of wanton love," or as a "fertility goddess," these views started to be challenged in scholarly publications in the 1990s and are no longer accepted today by most researchers.[15][16][17] Sometimes similar labels can nonetheless be found even in more recent publications.[18]

Jo Ann Hackett notes that the connection between fertility and female deities has been historically exaggerated in the studies of religions of the Ancient Near East[19] and considers such a characterization an example of perceiving women "in terms of biological functions"[20] formed largely based on contemporary speculation, rather than on the available ritual texts and other primary sources.[21] Julia M. Asher-Greve notes this category is one of the examples of terms which should be considered "innovations of early modern work in the study of comparative religion" rather than an accurate reflection of religion in antiquity.[22] It has been pointed out by other authors that in Anat's case, alleged references to a connection with fertility depend on dubious translations of hapax legomena and filling of lacunae.[23] According to Theodore J. Lewis, one such attempt is Edward Lipiński's treatment of the text KTU 1.96, meant to present her as a sexually active "fertility" goddess[24] Michael C. Astour remarked critically that Lipiński's translation explained "practically every noun by 'penis'" to accomplish this.[24] More recent research revealed that the text does not mention Anat at all.[6][23]

حنات في نصوص ماري

The worship of Ḫanat is well attested in texts from Old Babylonian Mari.[9] She was particularly venerated in the land of Suhum, where a city named Ḫanat (later Anat) was located.[9] Its name could be written with the dingir sign preceding it (dḪa-na-atki, Bit dḪa-na-atki[25]), which indicates it was directly named after the goddess.[11] It has been identified with modern Anah in Iraq.[26][9] One of the Mari texts mentions a temple of Ḫanat, presumed to be located in the city named after her.[25] Later documents from Suhum indicate that a temple dedicated to the local goddess bore the ceremonial Sumerian name E-šuzianna, "house, true hand of heaven."[10] The tradition of assigning such names of houses of worship originated in southern Mesopotamia among the Sumerians and Akkadians, but it outlived the decline of Sumerian as a vernacular language,[27] and spread to other areas within the Mesopotamian cultural sphere, including Assyria and the basin of the Diyala River in the north, the kingdom of Mari and the city of Harran in the west and to a smaller degree Elam in the east.[28] Hammurabi of Babylon patronized the temples of the city of Ḫanat according to a later inscription of Ninurta-kudurri-usur,[10] son of the local ruler Šamaš-reš-uṣur known from a stele found in Babylon.[29]

In an offering list from the reign of Zimri-Lim, Ḫanat appears as the recipient of two sheep.[30][31] The same document lists a number of other deities worshiped in Mari, such as Numushda, Ishara and Ninkarrak.[5] Oil offerings to Ḫanat were apparently made by women from the royal palace.[32] She is the last of the eight deities mentioned in a list presumed to document this custom.[32] The formula "Dagan and Ḫanat are well" occurs in a letter from Buqāqum, a royal official active in Ḫanat.[33] A legal text mentions that a certain Pulsī-Addu from Sapīratum (a settlement in Suhum) after losing a lawsuit meant to establish the ownership of a patch of land was obliged to swear an oath by a group of deities including Ḫanat, as well as Dagan and Itūr-Mēr, and by king Zimri-Lim to guarantee that he will not attempt to press the same claims again.[34] Ḫanat's presence in this text most likely simply reflects the fact that she was associated with the area which was the object of the conflict, while Dagan and Itūr-Mēr were respectively the head of the local pantheon and the god most commonly invoked in oaths.[33]

Ḫanat is also mentioned in a letter from Šamaš-nasir, an official from Terqa, to Zimri-Lim, in which he relays an oracular declaration of Dagan to the king.[7] Its subject is a verdict pronounced by the local god for Tishpak, the god of the kingdom of Eshnunna, after Yakrub-El relays to him that Ḫanat is threatened by the latter's actions.[7] The interactions between the gods reflect the political situation of the period, with Dagan representing Mari and Yakrub-El and Ḫanat respectively Terqa and Suhum, while Tishpak stands for Eshnunna, whose troops presumably were a threat for the latter of the two dependencies of Zimri-Lim's kingdom.[35]

Ḫanat appears in four types of theophoric names of women[36] and ten types of names of men in the Mari texts.[37] Some of the attested bearers of such names were deportees from the area roughly between Mount Abdulaziz and the Sinjar Mountains.[38] A certain Ḫabdi-Ḫanat was at one point tasked with manufacturing a throne for Dagan in Mari itself.[39] An individual bearing the name Ummi-Ḫanat is also attested outside this corpus, but it is presumed that the text, even though it mentions Eshnunna, pertains to Suhum.[40]

عناة في أوگاريت

Cuneiform script, (متحف اللوڤر) "Then Anat went to El, at the source of the rivers, in the middle of the bed of the two oceans. She bows at the feet of El, she bows and prosternates and pays him respects. She speaks and says: "the very mighty Ba'al is dead. The prince, lord of the earth, has died"" (...) "They fight like heroes. Môt wins, Ba'al wins. They bit each other like snakes. Môt wins, Ba'al wins. They jump like horses. Môt is scared. Ba'al sits on his throne".

اسم "عنات" أو "انات" مشتق من الجذر (ن) ويأتي في النصوص مطابقاً لصيغة الجمع المؤنث ( نات ) ويفسر ب(ينابيع مياه أو عيون المياه) وعنات بصفتها "نبع" فهي تمتص جوهر الإله "بعل"` أي مياه المطر فهو الذي يجعلها طافحة بالمياه ولا يخفى ما في ذلك من إشارات جنسية وبلغة قصائد أوغاريت و(عنات ) تأكل جسد أخيها بعل دونما سكين. وتشرب دمه دونما كأس‏.

كما تطلق عليها ألقاب تشير الى دورها الاخصابي هذا، (وعنات الأراضي المحروثة) وهي صاحبة رسالة عالمية كما قال عنها شارل فيروللو مترجم نصوص أوغاريت، كما وصفها أنها أكثر أخوات بعل نعومة والعبارة الأوغاريتية هي: (ن . م . ت . / ب . ت . / أ . خ . . / ب. ل. . /) وتلقب دائماً بـ (البتول أو العذراء) وبالأوغاريتية: ( ب . ت . ل . ت . ) وهذه البتولة واحدة من أهم خصائصها الهامة.‏

وفي بعض القصائد تلقب بالرحم: (ر . ح . م) مما يدل على أمومتها وعلى كونها والدة . وتصورها القصائد على هيئة امرأة شابة رائعة الجمال وعلى رأسها قرون ولها أجنحة مما يفسر سرعتها في التنقل وقطع المسافات.‏[41]

والكثير من أعمال عنات في ملاحم بعل تشير اليها في مواضع أخرى على أنها أخت الإله بعل فهي تصرع أعداءه وهي التي تبذل الجهد لتشييد قصر له وهي أيضاً التي تبحث عن بعل بعد موته وتنوح عليه وتواريه الثرى في سفوح جبل (الصافون) الاقرع اليوم. ومثلها فعلت « إنانا » وعشتار « وفي هذا كله مظاهر أمومية . واحد نصوص أوغاريت يصف زينة عنات عند قدوم بعل لزيارتها بأنها تجملّت كما تتجمل المرأة لرجل تهواه و » لعنات « ايضاً مظهر الربة المحاربة فهي تحارب أعداء بعل وتجهز على التنين وتبدو كقوة عنيفة من شأنها حماية بعل والسهر على سلامته ولم يقتصر تأثير عنات على المنطقة الكنعانية بل انتشر الى البلاد الأخرى وهكذا فالهكسوس السوريون أدخلوا معهم الى مصر هذه الربة السورية حوالي عام 1750 قبل الميلاد وكان هناك قرية من فلسطين تدعى (عناتو) وهذا الاسم صيغة الجمع العنات. وأشخاص كثيرون في بلاد كنعان كانوا يحملون اسم عنات رجالاً ونساء.‏

والأم الكبرى المخصبة التي تحولت مع الزمن الى ربة حب وخصب مثل انانا وعشتار-عنات -اتارجاتيس) ... تظهر في عهد مبكر من التاريخ في منطقة الهلال الخصيب تمثلها منحوتة من موقع المريبط على الفرات وتبدو تحمل ثدييها بيديها علامة على دورها الأمومي والغذائي والاخصابي وتظهر عنات على هذا النحو في منحوتة أوغاريتية عاجية تبدو وهي ... ترضع طفلين صغيرين وتحنو عليهما مما يؤكد لقبها رحم وهي كمرضعة رحمة أيضاً ورحم ورحمة.‏

يشتركان في جذر واحد فإن افترضنا إن أحد الطفلين يمثل أوغاريت الشاب فإنه يبدو كابن لعنات لأنه يرضع من ثدييها غير أنه كملك يصبح ملك عنات اي ملك أمه. وفي ملحمة كريت الأوغاريتية يقول ايل لكريت إنه سوف يعطيه زوجة وأنها:‏

ستلد البطل يصيب

الذي سيتغذى بحليب الربة عشيرة

ويرضع ثديَ العذراء عنات

وعنات الإلهة السورية أثارت نقاشاً وجدلاً وخلافات عديدة بين المختصين من خلال الالقاب التي كانت تطلق عليها في مواضع مختلفة من القصائد الأوغاريتية مثل لقب ( ي . م . ب . ت / ل . ي . م . م / وأحياناً اخرى ( ي . م . م . ت / ل . ي .م . م . / وهو لقب غامض بحيث أنه ما من ترجمة معتمدة ومقنعة له . فالبعض ترجمه بـ/يمامة الأمم) والبعض الآخر بـ (حماة الأمم) ونفر ثالث ترجمه ¯ (حامية الأمم)، ليس لكلمة (ي . ب . م . ت .) معادل إلا في العبرية (يابام) وهي تعني (إبن أو بنت الأحمى) أما كلمة ( ل . ي . م . . م) فتبدو كصيغة الجمع للإسم (ي . م .) أي الشعب أو العافية.‏

شارل فيروللو وهو أول من ترجم النصوص الأوغاريتية ادلى بدلوه واعطى للعبارة معنى (بنت حمى الأمم) وهذه الترجمة لم تقنع البعض ولقد اقترح (اولبرايت) أن يفهم من العبارة (مولّدة الأمم) غير أن (فان سيلمس) لم يوافقه على ذلك مشيراً الى عنات وليس لها خصائص الوالدة. البعض الآخر مثل (أوبرمان) اقترح شرحها بالمفردة العبرية (يمامة) فيصير معنى العبارة بيمامة الأمم وهي الترجمة المعتمدة في أكثر القصائد الأوغاريتية.‏

عناة في مصر

A statue of Anat and Ramesses II from Tanis.

قدمت الإلهة عناة إلى مصر في عهد الأسرة 18، واعتبرها المصريون القدماء ابنة الإله رع وزوجة للإله ست، وعبدت في تانيس خلال عصر الرعامسة حيث وجدت حظوة كبيرة إلى درجة أن إحدى الملكات في هذا العصر كانت تسمى بنت عانت وكانت تصور على هيئة امرأة تلبس التاج الأبيض على جانبيه ريشتان، وتتسلح بدرع وحربة وفأس قتال.[42]

It is commonly assumed that Anat was introduced to Egypt by the Hyksos,[43][44] who settled there during the Second Intermediate Period.[45] They ruled the Nile Delta for approximately one century, with Avaris serving as their capital.[45] Richard H. Wilkinson cites the name of the ruler Anat-her as evidence for the Hyksos worshiping Anat.[44] However, according to Christiane Zivie-Coche, the attestations of this goddess tied to the Hyksos are limited to a single theophoric name.[46] She suggests that available evidence instead indicates that foreign deities from the north, such as Anat, only came to be commonly worshiped in Egypt during the subsequent reign of the Eighteenth Dynasty.[46] She proposes that recovering the former Hyksos territory increased the frequency of interactions with various cultures of the Mediterranean coast and the broader Ancient Near East, among them Ugarit. This in turn led to more foreign influences finding their way into Egyptian religion, culture and language.[46] As of 2011, there was no material evidence for the presence of Anat in religious contexts before the reign of Ramesses II. Other deities sharing her origin, such as Resheph and Haurun, had already appeared in records dating further back, to the times of Amenhotep II.[45]

The double divine name Anat-Ya'u is found in Papyrus Amherst 63 and here near Anat-Bethel in Arthur Cowley's Elephantine, 1923, page 304

In the past, it was often argued that the worshipers of foreign deities were chiefly prisoners of war brought to Egypt, but textual sources instead indicate that the pharaohs, the clergy of Ptah and ordinary citizens could all be involved in their veneration.[47] Two temples dedicated to Anat have been identified in Egypt, one in Tanis (part of the temple complex of Mut[44]) and another as the Temple of Hibis in the Kharga Oasis.[14] The Egyptians also built a temple dedicated to her in Beisan[14] during the reign of Ramesses III.[48] Izak Cornelius additionally lists a festival of Anat celebrated in Gaza alongside the attestations connected to the Egyptian reception of this goddess[14] It is known from an Egyptian ostracon dated to the thirteenth century BCE,[48] a copy of a letter from a scribe named Ipuy to a certain Bak-en-amun, a garrison host commander.[49] It describes the state of affairs in the area under his supervision, but details of the festival of Anat are not preserved.[49] While a further Egyptian artifact presumed to come from Gaza is connected to the worship of Anat, it might not be authentic. It is a situla mentioning Anat in an inscription.[25][50] Egyptian theophoric names invoking her are also known, one example being Anat-em-heb, "Anat in her festival", constructed in an analogous way to similar names invoking native deities such as Amun or Horus.[44]

Anat is characterized as warlike in Egyptian sources, similar to Ugarit.[43] She was also called "the mistress of heaven."[44] It has been argued that this title might be related to her epithet known from the Ugaritic text KTU 1.108, b’lt šmm rmm, 'mistress of the high heavens.'[51] In visual arts, she was portrayed wearing the atef,[52] a type of crown associated with Upper Egypt,[53] and wielding either a spear and a shield, a fenestrated battle axe, or possibly the was-scepter. However, this utensil is better attested in association with Ashtart.[54] It has been pointed out that ancient Egyptians typically depicted deities introduced from other areas according to local norms, and their attributes more directly reflected their character rather than their origin.[55]

The pharaoh Ramesses II was particularly devoted to Anat,[56] according to Wilkinson, because of her warlike character.[44] He referred to himself as the "beloved" of this goddess and called her his mother. His inscriptions generally assign warlike traits to her rather than motherly ones.[57] A statue from his reign depicts Anat with her hand placed on his shoulder.[58] It comes from a temple located in Tanis.[58] Both the goddesses and the pharaoh are identified in an accompanying inscription.[58] He also named one of his daughters (Bint-Anat, "daughter of Anat"), his war hound ("Anat is strength") and his sword after the goddess.[44][57] One of his successors, Ramesses III, referred to Anat as the goddess responsible for protecting him in battle.[44]

Anat retained her role in the Egyptian pantheon through the first millennium BCE, up to the period of Roman rule.[45] She is also among the deities depicted in the Dendera Temple complex from the Roman period.[56] She also appears on a stele in Greco-Roman style alongside Khonsu and Mut.[58]

Anat, Ashtart and Qetesh

The association between Anat and Ashtart is well attested in Egypt, and it is presumed that it was a direct adaptation of northern ideas about these two goddesses.[59] Both of them could be regarded as daughters of Ra or Ptah.[55] However, they are not always explicitly described as sisters.[55] The myth Contest of Horus and Set for the Rule, dated to the period of the New Kingdom, is assumed to refer to both Anat and Astarte as prospective brides of Set. This interpretation has been questioned in Egyptology since the 1970s.[60] Objections to the translation were also raised in Ugaritic studies: Neal H. Walls suggested in 1992 that interpreting this text might involve a misunderstanding. According to Mark Smith, as of 2014, no evidence has been provided to settle the academic dispute in favor of this view.[61]

Anat and Ashtart appear alongside a third goddess, Qetesh, in the inscription on the so-called "Winchester College stele", which depicts only one figure, despite three names being listed.[62] This object has been used to argue that Qetesh, like the other two deities, had to be a major goddess in a similar area of ancient Syria.[63] In particular, attempts were made to identify her with Athirat based on the incorrect view that she, Anat, and Ashtart were the three major goddesses of Ugarit. This theory disregards the position of Shapash in the city's pantheon.[64] Additionally, while Anat and Ashtart do appear together in Ugarit, there is no parallel group that would also include Athirat.[65] A different proposal is to treat the three goddesses equally.[66] However, Peggy L. Day points out that before the Hellenistic period, there is no other evidence for the merging of Anat with other goddesses in the Egyptian tradition. The evidence is limited to this single work of art, which she considers to be unusual.[67] Christiane Zivie-Coche rejects the view that Qetesh was a hypostasis of Anat (or Ashtart), or even a goddess of Syrian origin at all. She instead agrees with the proposal that Qetesh was a goddess who developed in Egypt, even though her name is derived from a root known from Semitic languages, qdš.[55] Izak Cornelius characterizes the importance assigned to the stela in past scholarship as "exaggerated".[66] Additionally, as early as 1955, at the time of its original publication, it has been pointed out that the inscription would indicate that the author was not fully familiar with the hieroglyphic script.[68] This led Cornelius to tentatively propose that the inscription might be a forgery.[66] The provenance of the stela remains unknown, and it is now lost.[68]

شهادات الألفية الأولى ق.م.

مصادر بلاد الرافدين

الإلهة عناة.

كانت الإلهة الكنعانية عناة ذات قوة وجبروت لا يضاهى .. وفي الوقت نفسه كانت آلهة الحنان والحب. هذا النص الاوغاريتي جزء من ملحمة قصر بعل، وهو عبارة رسالة موجهة لعناة لكي تتوسط له عند إيل بأن يسمح له ببناء قصر.[69]

«أقيمي في الأرض وئاماً وابذري في التراب محبة واسكبي سلاماً في كبد الأرض وعسلاً في الحقول لتسرع خطواتك نحوي فعندي خبر أقوله لك حكاية الشجر وهمس الحجر وتنهد السماء إلى الأرض ونجوى الغمر إلى الكواكب. رسالة الإله بعل إلى الإلهة الكنعانية عناة.»
The stele of Šamaš-reš-uṣur, with Anat depicted on the far right.

The city of Anat is attested as the main cult center of Anat in Mesopotamia based on sources from the eighth century BCE.[11] The E-šuzianna temple, according to later inscriptions already patronized by the Old Babylonian king Hammurabi, remained in use.[10] While the surrounding area, still known as Suhum, came under the control of Assyria, local culture and religion in the first millennium BCE were instead influenced by Babylonia.[11] Next to Anat, the main deity of her city was Adad, but it is not known how the relation between them was conceptualized.[9] Daniel Schwemer points out that the role of Adad's wife was most likely played by the weather goddess Shala, rather than Anat. The relationship between Adad and Shala is attested elsewhere in Mesopotamia.[9]

A stela found in Babylon[29] inscribed with the name of Šamaš-reš-uṣur, who served as the governor of Suhu around 760 BCE, is presumed to depict Anat alongside other deities following a proposal of Antoine Cavigneaux and Bahija Khalil Ismail from 1990. The fragment of the inscription referring to her is damaged, and the image itself is also damaged.[26][70] The other two deities are identified as Ishtar and Adad.[71] All three of them are depicted in feathered crowns and robes decorated with rondels, following the Babylonian artistic convention of the period.[11] It has been proposed that a fourth deity was originally depicted on a section which has since broken off, but this remains speculative.[71] The deities are accompanied by a smaller depiction of Šamaš-reš-uṣur himself, who unlike them is instead dressed in typically Assyrian manner,. Also included are symbols of Marduk (spade), Nabu (stylus) and Sin (crescent).[70] The similarity of the artwork on this stele to the kudurru (boundary stone) of Nabu-shuma-ishkun has been noted.[11]

Ninurta-kudurri-usur, the son of Šamaš-reš-uṣur,[29] at one point renovated the E-šuzianna temple.[10] His inscription referring to this event describes Anat as "the perfect lady, most exalted of the goddesses, most powerful of the goddesses, greatest of the Igīgu gods, august lady whose godhead is splendid, splendid lady whose valour is not equalled by (that of any of) the (other) goddesses."[72] He also asserts that at an unspecified point prior to his reign, the Assyrians desecrated a statue of Anat, took away its ornaments, and then hid it somewhere, where it remained until he recovered it.[73] Like his other inscriptions, this text in written in the Babylonian dialect of Akkadian, though it shows Assyrian and Aramaic influence as well.[74] The name of Anat is written as an-at.[72] Among the other gods mentioned are Shamash, Marduk, Adad, Apladad[75] and Misharu.[76]

المصادر الفينيقية

Anat's position in Phoenician religion is a topic of debate among researchers.[25] Reconstruction of Phoenician religious beliefs is difficult due to the scarcity and the laconic nature of available sources. Cultural continuity with Ugaritic religion cannot be established.[77] It has been argued that the small number of theophoric names invoking Anat and the lack of much other evidence pertaining to her cult might be an indication that Anat's worship in the west had declined compared to her status in the second millennium BCE.[78][25] Izak Cornelius goes as far as arguing that she outright disappeared from many of the local pantheons,[79] but Peggy L. Day argues against this conclusion.[25]

Four inscribed votive objects dedicated to Anat have been discovered in Idalion on Cyprus.[25] Since two of them are a horse binder (dated to the seventh century BCE) and a spearhead (dated to the fifth or early fourth century BCE), it is assumed that Anat had retained her warlike nature (which is known from Ugaritic sources) in Phoenician religion as well.[25] A bilingual Phoenician-Greek inscription, the Anat-Athena bilingual has also been found in Larnakas tis Lapithou.[25] The Greek version refers to "Athena Soteria Nike" instead of Anat,[80] presumably due to the shared marital nature and, according to Peggy L. Day, the characterization of both as "non-sexually active, non-reproductive goddesses."[25] Comparisons between Anat and Athena have also been made by modern researchers of Greek religion, such as Walter Burkert, who highlighted the similarities in iconography of martial deities excavated in Greece (especially statuettes referred to with the term Palladion) and Syria.[81] The goddess referred to as Athena by Philo of Byblos has also been argued to be Anat.[80] Philo states that Athena's sister was Persephone, who might be simply the Greek goddess in this case, as she was worshiped in Samaria; a connection with Ugaritic Arsay cannot be proven.[82] However, as noted by Richard J. Clifford, from the 1980s onwards commenters on Philo's work point out that while at least some elements of his account are a reflection of authentic Phoenician beliefs, it should be understood primarily as Hellenizing and heavily influenced by Greek mythology, rather than Phoenician mythology, and therefore not entire reliable for the study of earlier periods.[83]

The identification of the deity dA-na-ti ba-a-ti DINGIR.MEŠ,[48] possibly to be read as Anat-Bayt’el,[84] in the treaty between Esarhaddon and king Baal of Tyre with Anat is considered implausible.[85] Day notes that while such proposals are present in scholarship, the name might also be an unrelated compound noun.[86] While it is conventionally assumed that Anat-Bayt’el was one of the main deities of Tyre, Karel van der Toorn has called into question if the name has Phoenician origin at all due to the lack of other attestations from this city and nearby areas. He proposes that was derived from Aramaic instead.[87]

The assertion that Tanit, worshiped in Carthage, was the same deity as Anat can be found in older literature,[88] for example in the publications of William F. Albright. According to Steve A. Wiggins, such assertions should be treated cautiously.[89] It cannot necessarily be assumed that Tanit corresponds to any major goddess from the second millennium.[89]

التوراة

The only certain references to Anat in the Hebrew Bible are the theophoric name Shamgar ben Anat (Judges 3:31), and the place names Beth-Anath (Joshua 19:38 and Judges 1:33)[12] Two further possible examples are the toponym Anathoth (Jeremiah 1:1) and the homophonous name Anathoth (Nehemiah 10:20).[90] Steve A. Wiggins based on available evidence concludes that Anat was only "vestigially present" in the Kingdom of Israel.[91] Karel van der Toorn reaches a similar conclusion.[92]

Most researchers agree that the single verse which mentions Shamgar ben Anat and his victory over six hundred Philistines was a late addition to the Book of Judges, and that it most likely represents an entirely fictitious account, possibly inspired by better known feats attributed to Samson or soldiers of David.[93] Nili Shupak suggests that "ben Anat" should be interpreted as a cognomen designating its bearer as a warrior from a troop dedicated to Anat due to her well-known character as a war deity. Shupak points out that multiple examples of similar theophoric names of soldiers are known.[94] The analogous name bn ‘nt is known from an inscribed arrowhead dated to the eleventh century BCE and from a seal with a Hebrew inscription of unknown provenance dated to the eight or seventh century BCE.[48] An alternate proposal, originally formulated by William F. Albright, is that ben Anat simply indicates that Shamgar was born in Beth Anat. This option is considered unlikely by Shupak.[95]

The proposal that ‘annôt in the Masoretic Text of Exodus 32:18 should be reinterpreted as a reference to Anat is considered implausible. It relies on the incorrect assumption that Anat was a fertility goddess associated with human sexuality, and as such can be associated with the described licentious behaviour pertaining to the worship of the golden calf.[68] Furthermore, the idol constructed by the Israelites is described as a young bull (‘gl), while a representation of a female deity would be more likely referred to as a heifer (‘glh) instead.[68] The proposal that the Queen of Heaven from the Book of Jeremiah (7:18, 44:17) might be Anat,[96] while reliant on well attested Ugaritic and Egyptian epithets, is also considered implausible.[97]

مقترحات مثيرة للجدل

Two possible theonyms with Anat as an element have been identified in Aramaic texts from the fifth century BCE[98] Elephantine, ‘ntyhw and ‘ntbyt’l.[68] However, in both cases the element ‘nt might instead be a common noun.[68] It has been argued that they are genitival constructs, respectively "Anat of Yahu" and "Anat of Bethel,"[99] the latter possibly corresponding to the deity Anat-Bayt’el known from the treaty between Esarhaddon and king Baal of Tyre.[84] Bayt’el or Bethel might have been the eponymous god of the settlement Bethel, tentatively identified with modern Bet Laha, located 30 km (19 mi) west of Aleppo.[100] The element Yahu is presumed to correspond to Yahweh, the national god of the Israelites.[101] It has been argued that both ‘ntyhw and ‘ntbyt’l should be understood as consorts of the male gods mentioned in their names.[99] However, it was already questioned in the 1990s if the names should be translated as "Anat, consort of Yahu" and "Anat, consort of Bethel,"[68] and according to Susan Ackerman, the current majority view is that the name Anat-Yahu instead should be understood as a hypostasis of Yahu. The first element of the name is a common noun meaning "providence" or "sign."[101]

An Aramaic inscription from Egypt mentioning a priest of Anat is known, but its authenticity has been called into question by Ackerman.[68] It is a part of the Michaelides collection,[68] multiple objects from which are known for repeated documentational irregularities. The irregularities suggest that they might be inauthentic.[25]

It is sometimes argued that the goddess Atargatis, worshiped in modern Syria in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, represented a fusion of Anat and Ashtart.[91][102] This proposal is based on William F. Albright's assertion that Atta might be an Aramaic form of Anat's name, and that therefore the name of Atargatis can be plausibly explained as a combination of Anat's and Ashtart's.[25] This view has been criticized by Peggy L. Day, who, following an earlier study by Jo Ann Hackett, points out that the popularity of such theories in past scholarship is tied to the notion that goddesses were interchangeable and had no discernible individual traits.[25] She suggests that the proposal requires "critical reassessment."[25]

دراسة مقارنة

In the 1960s it has been argued that the Hindu goddess Kālī, who is first attested in the 7th century CE, shares some characteristics with some ancient Near Eastern goddesses, such wearing a necklace of heads and a belt of severed hands like Anat, and drinking blood like the Egyptian goddess Sekhmet and that therefore that her character might have been influenced by them.[103] A myth describes how Kali became ecstatic with the joy of battle and slaughter while killing demons, and refused to stop until she was pacified by her consort, Shiva, who threw himself under her feet.[104] Marvin H. Pope in 1977 wrote that this myth exhibits parallels to the Ugaritic myth in which Anat started attacking warriors, which describes the goddess as gloating and her heart filling with joy and her liver with laughter while attaching the heads of warriors to her back and girding hands to her waist[104] until she is pacified by a message of peace sent by Baal.[104]

استخدام الاسم في إسرائيل الحالية

"Anat" (ענת) is commonly used as a female first name in present-day Israel (see list of people so named in Anat (disambiguation). This is one of the Biblical names introduced by the Zionist Movement and not attested among earlier Jewish communities.

عناة في إسرائيل

عناة في أثينا

تجليات لاحقة محتملة

كاسم أول عبري حديث

انظر أيضاً

الهوامش

  1. ^ L. Day 1999, p. 39.
  2. ^ Hurwit 1999.
  3. ^ Burkert 1985.
  4. ^ Nakata 1995, p. 247.
  5. ^ أ ب ت Haas 2015, p. 565.
  6. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح Watson 1993, p. 48.
  7. ^ أ ب ت ث ج Feliu 2003, p. 115.
  8. ^ Selz 2000, p. 36.
  9. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح خ Schwemer 2001, p. 625.
  10. ^ أ ب ت ث ج George 1993, p. 147.
  11. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 282.
  12. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح خ Day 1999, p. 36.
  13. ^ Selz 2000, p. 35.
  14. ^ أ ب ت ث Cornelius 2008, p. 92.
  15. ^ Watson 1993, pp. 49-50.
  16. ^ Day 1999, pp. 36-37.
  17. ^ Cornelius 2008, p. 10.
  18. ^ Rahmouni 2008, p. 108 and passim.
  19. ^ Hackett 1989, p. 75.
  20. ^ Hackett 1989, p. 67.
  21. ^ Hackett 1989, pp. 68-69.
  22. ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, pp. 42-43.
  23. ^ أ ب Day 1999, p. 37.
  24. ^ أ ب Lewis 1996, p. 119.
  25. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح خ د ذ ر ز س ش ص Day 1999, p. 39.
  26. ^ أ ب Frame 1995, p. 279.
  27. ^ George 1993, p. 2.
  28. ^ George 1993, p. 59.
  29. ^ أ ب ت Frame 1995, p. 275.
  30. ^ Feliu 2003, p. 79.
  31. ^ Haas 2015, pp. 564-565.
  32. ^ أ ب Feliu 2003, p. 89.
  33. ^ أ ب Feliu 2003, p. 144.
  34. ^ Nakata 2011, pp. 133-134.
  35. ^ Feliu 2003, pp. 115-116.
  36. ^ Nakata 2011, p. 251.
  37. ^ Nakata 2011, p. 252.
  38. ^ Feliu 2003, p. p=205-206.
  39. ^ Feliu 2003, p. 139.
  40. ^ Koppen & Lacambre 2020, p. 163.
  41. ^ "عنات الآلهة السورية ألهة الحب والخصب والينبوع في أوغاريت". جريدة الوحدة السورية. 2011-03-06. Retrieved 2016-02-01.
  42. ^ قائمة بأسماء الآلهة ند قدماء المصريين وصفتهم، منتديات الرحمن
  43. ^ أ ب Day 1999, p. 40.
  44. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح خ د Wilkinson 2003, p. 137.
  45. ^ أ ب ت ث Zivie-Coche 2011, p. 2.
  46. ^ أ ب ت Zivie-Coche 2011, p. 3.
  47. ^ Zivie-Coche 2011, pp. 3-4.
  48. ^ أ ب ت ث Day 1999, p. 38.
  49. ^ أ ب Higginbotham 2000, p. 53.
  50. ^ Cornelius 2008, p. 22.
  51. ^ Rahmouni 2008, p. 117.
  52. ^ Cornelius 2008, p. 28.
  53. ^ Cornelius 2008, p. 73.
  54. ^ Cornelius 2008, pp. 75-76.
  55. ^ أ ب ت ث Zivie-Coche 2011, p. 6.
  56. ^ أ ب Cornelius 2008, p. 35.
  57. ^ أ ب Cornelius 2008, p. 85.
  58. ^ أ ب ت ث Cornelius 2008, p. 29.
  59. ^ Smith 2014, p. 65.
  60. ^ Smith 2014, p. 60.
  61. ^ Smith 2014, p. 59.
  62. ^ Cornelius 2008, p. 95.
  63. ^ Wiggins 2007, p. 229.
  64. ^ Wiggins 2007, pp. 229-230.
  65. ^ Rahmouni 2008, p. 208.
  66. ^ أ ب ت Cornelius 2008, p. 96.
  67. ^ Day 1999, pp. 40-41.
  68. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح خ د ذ Day 1999, p. 41.
  69. ^ رسالة الإله بعل إلى الآلهة الكنعانية عناة…كلمة أقوى المحاربين، موقع سوريات
  70. ^ أ ب Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, pp. 282-283.
  71. ^ أ ب Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 283.
  72. ^ أ ب Frame 1995, p. 317.
  73. ^ Frame 1995, p. 318.
  74. ^ Frame 1995, p. 288.
  75. ^ Frame 1995, p. 297.
  76. ^ Frame 1995, p. 299.
  77. ^ Clifford 1990, p. 55.
  78. ^ van der Toorn 1992, pp. 82-83.
  79. ^ Cornelius 2008, p. 6.
  80. ^ أ ب Baumgarten 1981, p. 193.
  81. ^ Burkert 2012, p. 140.
  82. ^ Baumgarten 1981, pp. 192-193.
  83. ^ Clifford 1990, p. 56.
  84. ^ أ ب van der Toorn 1992, p. 83.
  85. ^ Clifford 1990, p. 60.
  86. ^ Day 1999, pp. 38-39.
  87. ^ van der Toorn 1992, p. 84.
  88. ^ Clifford 1990, p. 62.
  89. ^ أ ب Wiggins 2007, p. 233.
  90. ^ Day 1999, p. 43.
  91. ^ أ ب Wiggins 2007, p. 230.
  92. ^ van der Toorn 1992, p. 82.
  93. ^ Shupak 1989, p. 517.
  94. ^ Shupak 1989, pp. 523-524.
  95. ^ Shupak 1989, p. 524.
  96. ^ van der Toorn 1992, p. 97.
  97. ^ Day 1999, p. 42.
  98. ^ van der Toorn 1992, p. 95.
  99. ^ أ ب van der Toorn 1992, p. 81.
  100. ^ van der Toorn 1992, p. 85.
  101. ^ أ ب Ackerman 2003, p. 394.
  102. ^ Schwemer 2008, p. 13.
  103. ^ Pope & Röllig 1965.
  104. ^ أ ب ت Pope 1977.

المصادر

  • Albright, W. F. (1942, 5th ed., 1968). Archaeology and the Religion of Israel (5th ed.). Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. ISBN 0-8018-0011-0.
  • Day, John (2000). Yahweh & the Gods & Goddesses of Canaan. Sheffield, UK: Sheffield Academic Press. ISBN 1-85075-986-3.
  • Gibson, J. C. L. (1978). Canaanite Myths and Legends (2nd ed.). T. & T. Clark: Edinburgh. Released again in 2000. ISBN 0-567-02351-6.
  • Harden, Donald (1980). The Phoenicians (2nd ed.). London: Penguin. ISBN 0-14-021375-9.
  • Kapelrud, Arvid Schou, 1969. The violent goddess: Anat in the Ras Shamra Texts Oslo: University Press
  • KAI = Kanaanäische und Aramäische Inscriften (2000). H. Donner and W. Röllig (Eds.). Revised edition. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 3-447-04587-6.
  • Putting God on Trial - The Biblical Book of Job – A Biblical reworking of the combat motif between Yam, Anat and Baal.
  • Theodor Gaster, Thespis: Ritual, Myth, and Drama in the Ancient Near East. 1950.
  • The Hebrew Goddess Raphael Patai, Wayne State University Press, ISBN 0-8143-2271-9
الكلمات الدالة:
تمّ الاسترجاع من "https://www.marefa.org/w/index.php?title=أنات&oldid=4333760"