مؤتمر پوتسدام
مؤتمر پوتسدام كان آخر اجتماع عقده زعماء كل من بريطانيا والاتحاد السوفياتي (سابقا) والولايات المتحدة الأمريكية خلال الحرب العالمية الثانية. عقد المؤتمر في بوتسدام قرب العاصمة برلين بألمانيا من 17 يوليو حتى 2 أغسطس 1945. حضر المؤتمر الرئيس الأمريكي هاري ترومان، ورئيس الوزراء البريطاني ونستون تشرشل (الذي خلفه كليمنت أتلي خلال المؤتمر)، ورئيس الوزراء السوفيتي جوزيف ستالين.
| Potsdam Conference | |
|---|---|
 The "Big Three" at the Potsdam Conference, Winston Churchill, Harry S. Truman and Joseph Stalin | |
| Host البلد المضيف |  Soviet-occupied Germany |
| التاريخ | 17 July – 2 August 1945 |
| مكان الانعقاد | Cecilienhof |
| المدن | Potsdam, Germany |
| المشاركون | Joseph Stalin Winston Churchill Clement Attlee Harry S. Truman |
| يتبع | Yalta Conference |
The foreign ministers and aides played key roles: Vyacheslav Molotov, Anthony Eden and Ernest Bevin, and James F. Byrnes. From July 17 to July 25, nine meetings were held, when the Conference was interrupted for two days, as the results of the British general election were announced. By July 28, Attlee had defeated Churchill and replaced him as Britain's representative, with Britain's new Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Ernest Bevin, replacing Anthony Eden. Four days of further discussion followed. During the conference, there were meetings of the three heads of government with their foreign secretaries, as well as meetings of only the foreign secretaries. Committees that were appointed by the latter for precursory consideration of questions before the conference also met daily. During the Conference, Truman was secretly informed that the Trinity test of the first atomic bomb on July 16 had been successful. He hinted to Stalin that the U.S. was about to use a new kind of weapon against the Japanese. Though this was the first time the Soviets had been officially given information about the atomic bomb, Stalin was already aware of the bomb project, having learned about it through espionage long before Truman did.[1]
Key final decisions included the following: Germany would be divided into the four occupation zones (among the three powers and France) that had been agreed to earlier; Germany's eastern border was to be shifted west to the Oder–Neisse line; a Soviet-backed group was recognized as the legitimate government of Poland; and Vietnam was to be partitioned at the 16th parallel. The Soviets also reaffirmed their Yalta promise to promptly launch an invasion of Japanese-held areas.[2]
Views were also exchanged on a plethora of other questions. However, consideration of those matters was postponed into the Council of Foreign Ministers, which the conference established. The conference ended with a stronger relationship among the three governments as a consequence of their collaboration, which renewed confidence that together with the other United Nations, they would ensure the creation of a just and enduring peace. Nevertheless, within 18 months relations had deteriorated and the Cold War had emerged.[3][4]
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التحضير
In May 1945, Churchill wrote to Truman hoping to arrange a meeting of the three governments to occur in June. Truman hoped for Stalin to propose the meeting so as to avoid the appearance that the Americans and British were ganging up on the Soviets. With some prompting from Truman's aide Harry Hopkins, Stalin proposed a meeting in the Berlin area. Informed of this by the US, Churchill sent a letter agreeing that he'd be happy to meet in "what is left of Berlin".[5][6]
Some sources suggest Truman delayed the conference in order for it to meet after the results of the first atomic bomb test were known.[7][8] The conference was eventually set to begin July 16 at Cecilienhof in Potsdam, near Berlin.
العلاقات بين الزعماء
A number of changes had taken place in the five months since the Yalta Conference and greatly affected the relationships among the leaders. The Soviets occupied Central and Eastern Europe. The Baltic states were forcibly reincorporated into the USSR, while the Red Army also occupied Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Romania. Refugees fled from those countries. Stalin had set up a puppet communist government in Poland, insisted that his control of Eastern Europe was a defensive measure against possible future attacks, and claimed that it was a legitimate sphere of Soviet influence.[9]
Winston Churchill, who had served for most of the war as British prime minister in a coalition government, was replaced during the conference by Clement Attlee. Churchill's government had a Soviet policy since the early 1940s that differed considerably from Franklin D. Roosevelt's and believed Stalin to be a "devil"-like tyrant, who led a vile system.[10] A general election was held in the United Kingdom on 5 July 1945, but its results were delayed to allow the votes of armed forces personnel to be counted in their home constituencies. The outcome became known during the conference, when Attlee became the new prime minister.
Roosevelt had died on 12 April 1945, and US Vice-President Harry Truman assumed the presidency, which saw VE Day (Victory in Europe) within a month and VJ Day (Victory in Japan) on the horizon. During the war, in the name of Allied unity, Roosevelt had brushed off warnings of potential domination by Stalin over parts of Europe by explaining, "I just have a hunch that Stalin is not that kind of a man.... I think that if I give him everything I possibly can and ask for nothing from him in return, 'noblesse oblige', he won't try to annex anything and will work with me for a world of democracy and peace."[11]
While a United States Senator and later as Vice President, Truman had closely followed the Allied progress of the war. George Lenczowski noted that "despite the contrast between his relatively modest background and the international glamour of his aristocratic predecessor, [Truman] had the courage and resolution to reverse the policy that appeared to him naive and dangerous," which was "in contrast to the immediate, often ad hoc moves and solutions dictated by the demands of the war."[12] With the end of the war, the priority of Allied unity was replaced by the challenge of the relationship between the two emerging superpowers.[12] Both leading powers continued to portray a cordial relationship to the public, but suspicion and distrust lingered between them.[13] Despite this, on 17 July, the first day of the conference, Truman noted "I can deal with Stalin. He is honest — but smart as hell."[14]
Truman was much more suspicious of the Soviets than Roosevelt had been and became increasingly suspicious of Stalin's intentions.[12] Truman and his advisers saw Soviet actions in Eastern Europe as aggressive expansionism, which was incompatible with the agreements committed to by Stalin at Yalta in February. In addition, Truman became aware of possible complications elsewhere after Stalin had objected to Churchill's proposal for an Allied withdrawal from Iran ahead of the schedule that had been agreed at the Tehran Conference. The Potsdam Conference was the only time that Truman met Stalin in person.[15][16]
At the Yalta Conference, France was granted an occupation zone within Germany. France was a participant in the Berlin Declaration and was to be an equal member of the Allied Control Council. Nevertheless, at the insistence of the Americans, Charles de Gaulle was not invited to Potsdam, just as he had been denied representation at Yalta for fear that he would reopen the Yalta decisions. De Gaulle thus felt a diplomatic slight, which became a cause of deep and lasting resentment for him.[17] Other reasons for the omission included the longstanding personal mutual antagonism between Roosevelt and de Gaulle, ongoing disputes over the French and American occupation zones, and the anticipated conflicts of interest over French Indochina.[18] It also reflected the judgement of the British and the Americans that French aims, with respect to many items on the conference's agenda, were likely to contradict agreed-upon Anglo-American objectives.[19]
نبذة
كانت الاتفاقيات السابقة قد قسمت ألمانيا إلى مناطق احتلال بريطانية وفرنسية وسوفيتية وأمريكية، واتفق المؤتمرون في بوتسدام على معاملة الأجزاء الألمانية على أنها بلد واحد، فيما يتعلق بالنواحي الاقتصادية وبذلك حصل الاتحاد السوفياتي على ثلث السفن الألمانية، وبعض المعدات الصناعية تعويضا عن أضرار الحرب. كما اتفق المؤتمرون على مقاضاة القادة الألمان بتهمة ارتكاب جرائم حرب. وبينما كان المؤتمرون في بوتسدام، تناهى إلى علم الرئيس الأمريكي ترومان نبأ نجاح أول اختبار للقنبلة الذرية. الأمر الذي أدى إلى صدور إعلان بوتسدام الذي هدد بتدمير اليابان ما لم تتوقف عن حربها مع دول الحلفاء، وأن تستسلم دون شروط.
الاتفاقيات المبرمة بين الزعماء في پوتسدام
اتفاقية پوتسدام
At the end of the conference, the three Heads of Government agreed on the following actions. All other issues were to be answered by the final peace conference to be called as soon as possible.
ألمانيا
- انظر أيضاً: طرد الألمان بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية، الخطط الصناعية لألمانيا وخط اودر-نايسه، المناطق الشرقية السابقة لألمانيا
پولندا
اعلان پوتسدام
بالاضافة لاتفاقية بوتسدام، في 26 يوليو، أصدر تشرشل وترومان وتشيانگ كاي-شك، رئيس حكومة الصين الوطنية (الاتحاد السوڤيتي لم يكن في حرب مع اليابان) اعلان پوتسدام الذي حددت شروط استسلام اليابان أثناء الحرب العالمية الثانية في آسيا.
الهامش
- ^ John Lewis Gaddis, "Intelligence, espionage, and Cold War origins." Diplomatic History 13.2 (1989): 191-212.
- ^ Robert Cecil, "Potsdam and its Legends." International Affairs 46.3 (1970): 455-465.
- ^ Lynn Etheridge Davis, The Cold War Begins: Soviet-American Conflict Over East Europe (2015) pp 288–334.
- ^ James L. Gormly, From Potsdam to the Cold War: Big Three Diplomacy, 1945-1947 (Scholarly Resources, 1990).
- ^ McDonough, Jim (2021-05-13). "The Potsdam Conference 1945: A Day-By-Day Account". Berlin Experiences (in الإنجليزية البريطانية). Retrieved 2023-01-01.
- ^ "Correspondence between the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and the Presidents of the USA and the Prime Ministers of Great Britain during the Great Patriotic War of 1941 - 1945". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 2023-01-02.
- ^ "Document Resume – The Last Act: The Atomic Bomb and the End of World War II" (PDF). Education Resources Information Center. The Smithsonian Institution. January 1995. Retrieved 6 March 2023.
- ^ Truman, Harry S. (July–August 1980). Bernstein, Barton J. (ed.). "Truman at Potsdam: His Secret Diary" (PDF). Foreign Service Journal. Retrieved 6 March 2023 – via National Security Archive.
- ^ Leffler, Melvyn P., "For the South of Mankind: The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Cold War, First Edition, (New York, 2007) p. 31
- ^ Miscamble 2007, p. 51
- ^ Miscamble 2007, p. 52
- ^ أ ب ت George Lenczowski, American Presidents and the Middle East, (1990), pp. 7–13
- ^ Hunt, Michael (2013). The World Transformed. Oxford University Press. p. 35. ISBN 9780199371020.
- ^ Quoted in Arnold A. Offner, Another Such Victory: President Truman and the Cold War, 1945-1953. (Stanford University Press, 2002). p 14
- ^ Harry S. Truman, Memoirs, Vol. 1: Year of Decisions (1955), p.380, cited in Lenczowski, American Presidents, p.10
- ^ Nash, Gary B. "The Troublesome Polish Question." The American People: Creating a Nation and a Society. New York: Pearson Longman, 2008. Print.
- ^ Reinisch, Jessica (2013). The Perils of Peace. Oxford University Press. p. 53.
- ^ Thomas, Martin (1998). The French Empire at War 1940-45. Manchester University Press. p. 215.
- ^ Feis, Hebert (1960). Between War and Peace; the Potsdam Conference. Princeton University Press. pp. 138.