العلاقات الإسرائيلية اليمنية

لا توجد علاقات دبلوماسية بين إسرائيل واليمن، والعلاقة بينهما عدائية. إذ يرفض اليمن دخول الأشخاص الذين يحملون جواز السفر إسرائيلي أو أي جواز سفر يحمل ختماً إسرائيلياً، كما تُعرف اليمن على أنها "دولة معادية" بموجب القانون الإسرائيلي. وخلال حرب الحرب الإسرائيلية الفلسطينية 2023، شن الحوثيون في اليمن هجمات صاروخية ضد إسرائيل والسفن التابعة لها في البحر الأحمر.

العلاقات الإسرائيلية اليمنية

إسرائيل	اليمن

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 التاريخ

يمتلك اليمن موقعاً استراتيجياً عند مدخل البحر الأحمر ويطل على باب المندب، الذي يُعد منفذ إسرائيل إلى المحيط الهندي والشرق الأقصى، الأمر الذي زاد من أهميته في نظر اسرائيل. وكان يهود اليمن، أقلية يهودية كبيرة في اليمن، مع ثقافة متميزة عن الجاليات اليهودية الأخرى في العالم. لكن في منتصف القرن 20 هاجر معظمهم إلى إسرائيل.

في فبراير 1948، اغتيل الإمام يحيى وتولى السلطة خليفته الإمام أحمد بن يحيى. الذي دعا العرب كافة إلى التوحد ضد الدولة الصهيونية. وقدم وعوداً بتقديم المساعدة لمصر في الحرب ضد إسرائيل، لكن مساهماته كانت ضئيلة. وبعد هزيمة العرب في حرب 1948 وإعلان دولة إسرائيل، خشي الإمام من أن تطالب إسرائيل بتعويضات عن الممتلكات التي تركها اليهود الذين هاجروا إلى إسرائيل. لذا بدأ بسرعة في تنفيذ خطة لتهجير اليهود بشكل جماعي؛ أطلق عليها "عملية بساط الريح"، والتي ستؤدي لهجرة آمنة لحوالي ما يقرب من 50.000 يهودي لخارج اليمن.

بعد انسحاب بريطانيا في عام 1967 قُسمت اليمن لجزئين، وتبنى كل من اليمن الشمالي واليمن الجنوبي سياسة تتماشى مع توجهات القوة العظمى. وبدأ جنوب اليمن الماركسي ينظر إلى الصراع العربي الإسرائيلي من خلال عيون سوفيتية، ويصور إسرائيل كأداة تتلاعب بها الولايات المتحدة الرأسمالية، في حين أن الجمهورية العربية اليمنية في الشمال اتجهت إلى الوقوف إلى جانب الدول العربية المعتدلة التي كان عداءها لإسرائيل أقل حدة. وأصبح النهج العملي المعتدل أكثر وضوحاً بعد الوحيدة اليمنية في 22 مايو 1990. تبنى اليمن موقفاً براغماتياً خلال حرب الخليج، إذ أن أن الدولة اليمنية الموحدة حديثاً لم تنضم إلى التحالف الغربي، لكنها أيضاً امتنعت عن إرسال قوات لمساعدة صدام حسين، كما صورت نفسها على أنها وسيط نزيه في الصراع. وأظهر موقف صنعاء تجاه إسرائيل اتجاهات مماثلة. إذ أدت نهاية الحرب الباردة وزوال الاتحاد السوفييتي إلى عملية إعادة التقييم في صنعاء، مما أدى إلى تحسين العلاقات مع الولايات المتحدة وتقليل العداء تجاه إسرائيل.

 الحرب الأهلية اليمنية

في 1958، وبعد شهر من قيام الجمهورية العربية المتحدة بعد إعلان الوحدة بين سوريا، مصر. أنشأ رئيس الجمهورة العربية المتحدة جمال عبد الناصر اتحاد جديد، اسماه "الولايات العربية المتحدة"، وضم الجمهورية العربية المتحدة واليمن. وكبادرة حسن نية وتضامن مع الجمهورية العربية المتحدة، سُمح لـحزب البعث بإنشاء فرع له في صنعاء. كما دعمت كل من مصر وسوريا القوات الجمهورية خلال الحرب الأهلية في شمال اليمن، وشجعتا نظام عبد الله السلال على اتخاذ موقف إقليمي مماثل بشأن احتلال فلسطين. وفُسرت زيارة السلال إلى دمشق في منتصف 1963 على ـنها دليل على الوحدة جميع القوى التقدمية المناهضة للإمبريالية. وفي 1964، انضمت اليمن إلى اثنتي عشرة دولة عربية في قمة القاهرة، والتي كانت تهدف لبحث الرد على إسرائيل بسبب تحويلها لمسار نهر الأردن. وخلال الحرب الأهلية بين الملكيين والجمهوريين في اليمن، دعمت مصر الجمهوريين بينما دعمت إسرائيل وإيران البهلوية والمملكة العربية السعودية الملكيين بالعتاد الحربي والدعم والتدريب.

وعندما انشق الطيار المصري، عباس حلمي، إلى إسرائيل عام 1964، أدعى المحققون معه أن المصريين كانوا يستخدمون الغاز السام ضد الملكيين اليمنيين، وطلبت إسرائيل حلمي بإدانة سلال والتورط المصري ضد الملكيين. لكن الجهود التي بذلتها إسرائيل لكسب تأييد الملكيين باليمن لم تحقق سوى نتائج محدودة. وفي محاولة للتخلص من القوة العسكرية المصرية الموجودة باليمن، ناشدت الحكومة الملكية الجمهورية العربية المتحدة إرسال قواتها للقتال ضد إسرائيل بدلاً من ذلك، وتعهدت بأنها لن تهاجم الجمهوريين بعد رحيلهم.

وفي البحث عن الأسباب الكامنة وراء حرب 1967، خلص المراقبون إلى أن كلاً من الولايات المتحدة وبريطانيا سعتا إلى انسحاب القوات المصرية من اليمن وأن هدف الحرب كان استعادة النظام الملكي للسلطة. وكان العديد من اليمنيين مقتنعين بأن إسرائيل كانت وراء هذه المناورة، كما انتشرت شائعات في جنوب اليمن مفادها أنه قبل وقت قصير من انسحابهم من هناك، تعاون البريطانيون مع إسرائيل في محاولة لسحق قبائل جنوب شبه الجزيرة العربية من أجل إطالة أمد حكمهم الاستعماري.

وبعد حرب 1967، قطعت اليمن علاقاتها الدبلوماسية مع الولايات المتحدة بسبب "دعم واشنطن الأعمى لإسرائيل ضد القضية العربية في فلسطين" وأدانت إسرائيل لاحتلالها الأراضي الفلسطينية.وشكل تقسيم اليمن إلى دولتين بعد انسحاب بريطانيا مصدر قلق كبير للإسرائيليين. وأكد مسؤول حكومي يمني للأمريكيين أن "اليمن الشمالي لن يفعل شيئاً لتقويض جهود السلام الأمريكية في المحادثات المصرية الإسرائيلية لتنفيذ اتفاقيات كامب ديفيد"..

في عام 1976، قام الجيش الإسرائيلي بالإغارة على مطار عنتيبي في أوغندا ومفاعل اوسيراك في العراق. ما جعل المسؤولين في صنعاء يدركون أن إسرائيل ستستخدم القوة لإبقاء بوابتها إلى المحيط الهندي مفتوحة. وتزايدت مخاوف صنعاء مع ارسال المخابرات الإسرائيلية بشكل متكرر سفناً لمراقبة أي نشاط في البحر الأحمر. بالإضافة إلى عمل عملاء إسرائيليون في المنطقة لضمان المرور الآمن للسفن الإسرائيلية في طريقها من وإلى إيلات. ودعت صنعاء مرارا وتكرارا إلى إنهاء الحرب الإيرانية العراقية. وفي عام 1982، أدانت صنعاء إسرائيل بسبب غزوها للبنان وكذلك الولايات المتحدة لتأيدها له، كما انضمت لوفد وزاري أرسله جنوب اليمن إلى جميع العواصم العربية لمناقشة القضية. وانضمت إلى جنوب اليمن في إبلاغ زعيم منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية ياسر عرفات باستعدادها لاستيعاب اللاجئين الفلسطينيين.

 اليمن الشمالي واليمن الجنوبي

وفي 22 يونيو 1969، أطاح انقلاب بقحطان محمد الشعبي وأتى بسالم ربيع علي إلى رئاسة الجمهورية. وبدأت الحكومة الجديدة بتقديم الدعم للفلسطينيين في لبنان. وتكشف وثائق المخابرات الإسرائيلية أن لديها معرفة تفصيلية بحجم المساعدات التي يقدمها جنوب اليمن للفلسطينيين، وبينما كانت عدن تدعو إلى الوحدة داخل معسكر منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، فقد حافظت على اتصالات وثيقة مع الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين. ودعت القرارات الصادرة عن مؤتمر التوحيد في أكتوبر 1975 إلى دعم الفلسطينيين. رداً على الغارات الإسرائيلية على جنوب لبنان، كما أكد عبد الفتاح إسماعيل، المتحدث الرسمي باسم جنوب اليمن، على الارتباط الوثيق مع حركة التحرير العربية برمتها. في فبراير 1977، جرى استقبال ياسر عرفات بحفاوة في عدن حيث تمت الإشارة إليه باسم "الأخ عرفات رئيس فلسطين"، وفي مارس 1977، والتقى الرئيس بسالم ربيع علي بـرؤوساء الصومال والسودان والجمهورية اليمنية في تعز، لبحث سبل تعزيز التضامن العربي "من أجل مواجهة سياسة إسرائيل العدوانية والقوى الصهيونية الداعمة لها". ورداً على الاتهامات التي وجهتها واشنطن بأن اليمن الجنوبي يدعم الإرهاب، ادعى مسؤولو وزارة الخارجية في عدن أن دعم القضية العادلة لحركات التحرر الوطني، التي قمعت من قبل الأنظمة الإمبريالية والعنصرية الصهيونية، لا يمكن اعتباره سلوكاً ارهابياً. وفي أكتوبر 1978، طالب حزب المعارضة الرئيسي في اليمن الجنوبي، الحزب الاشتراكي اليمني (YSP)، إسرائيل بالانسحاب من جميع الأراضي العربية المحتلة والسماح بإقامة دولة فلسطينية. ولكن رغم أنه لم يعترف بحق إسرائيل في الوجود، إلا أن الحزب الاشتراكي اليمني لم يدعو إلى تصفيتها، ولم يدعو إلى إنشاء دولة "علمانية وديمقراطية" كما طالب ميثاق منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية. وذكرت إسرائيل على أنها التجسيد السياسي للصهيونية، وحين وصل علي ناصر محمد إلى السلطة في أكتوبر 1980، انضم اليمن الجنوبي إلى سوريا، وليبيا، والجزائر والعراق ومنظمة التحرير الفلسطينية في رفض مبادرة السادات للسلام.

وبعد استيلاء الفلسطينيين على سفينة أكيلى لاورو في أكتوبر 1987، خشي علي ناصر من ضربة إسرائيلية، وقام بنفي أن تكون قوات منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية متمركزة على جزيرة يسيطر عليها جنوب اليمن. عندما شرع جنوب اليمن في مبادرة لتطبيع العلاقات مع عُمان في أواخر الثمانينات، كان البيان الرسمي من عدن:

”

"إن تطبيع العلاقات بين جمهورية اليمن الديمقراطية الشعبية وسلطنة عمان هو أحد أهداف جمهورية اليمن الديمقراطية الشعبية في تأمين استقرار المنطقة وتجنب المخاطر العدائية التي تهدد شعبنا نتيجة الوجود العسكري الإمبريالي المتزايد والتواجد الأمريكي والإسرائيلي الذي يهدد شعوبنا العربية"

“

إلا أنه وبعد حصار 1973، لم يُغلق اليمن حركة الملاحة الحرة للسفن الإسرائيلية القادمة من إيلات، وعندما زار رئيس الوزراء السوفيتي ألكسي كوسيگن عدن في سبتمبر 1979، وكان اليمن الجنوبي مستعداً لقبول مبدأ الحرية الملاحة لجميع السفن من "جميع الدول المجاورة". وفي الوقت نفسه، واصل المسؤولون في عدن التعبير عن تضامنهم مع القضايا العربية. لذلك، في عام 1976 أرسل اليمن الجنوبي قوات كجزء من قوة الردع العربية في لبنان، وعندما زار علي ناصر محمد موسكو في فبراير 1978، تضمن صدر البيان المشترك من الجانبين، أدانت الحكومتين الحوار الإسرائيلي المصري.

وفي عام 1982، وافق اليمن الجنوبي على اقتراح اليمن الشمالي باستضافة منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية بعد طردهم من لبنان على يد الجيش الإسرائيلي. وفي عام 1983، لعب اليمن الجنوبي دوراً دبلوماسياً كبيراً في استعادة الوحدة داخل المعسكر الفلسطيني.

 After reunification

The unification of the two Yemens on May 22, 1990, reduced the vocal campaign against Israel but did not bring normalization. During the Gulf crisis, Jordan's King Hussein persuaded Yemen to support Saddam Hussein, and there were reports of Yemeni troops concentration along the Saudi border. Then, in an about-face, the Government of Yemen invited General Norman Schwarzkopf to visit San'a. Confused by this policy turnabout, Israeli and Western observers regarded the invitation as a maneuver aimed at dividing the coalition. In the end, only Yemen and the PLO supported the Iraqi cause. However, the Yemeni government offered no more than vocal support. Yemen's sympathy for Saddam Hussein stemmed not only from its hostility towards Israel, but also from fear of the Saudi threat.

Covert negotiations regarding the transfer of Jews to Israel were denied by San'a. In an interview to Radio Amman, Yemen's Deputy Information Minister Abd-al-Rahman al-Akwa denied reports from Israeli and American sources that attempts were being made to transfer Yemeni Jews to Israel. When the London Sunday Times reported that Israel was preparing to airlift Yemeni Jews to Israel, Yemeni sources denied that San'a decided to expel the Jews and added that "Yemeni citizens, including Jews have the right to travel to any country except Israel. Ariel Sharon, who later became Israel's Minister of Housing was reported to have said that 1,600 Yemeni Jews were about to emigrate to Israel, and Integration Minister Rabbi Yitzhak Perez stated that Israel was using "secret efforts to bring 1,500 Jews from Yemen." In May 1992, Radio Monte Carlo in Arabic announced that a "responsible" Yemeni source has denied the veracity of the report about the immigration of Jews. In the spring of 1993, Israeli sources said that some 100 Jews immigrated secretly to Israel. Attempting to cover up the immigration issue, Yemeni sources said that prominent Jews had asked for protection against Israeli attempts to coerce them to immigrate to Israel.

In the autumn of 1993, Saleh met Mousa Mohammed Abu Marzook, head of the Hamas Political Bureau. The President of Yemen expressed full support for the Palestinian struggle, and they discussed ways to bring all Palestinian factions to agree on a common strategy. In an interview with an Egyptian weekly, Saleh said that his country would be willing to host a meeting of all Palestinian factions, in order to discuss their differences and bring unity to their ranks. In another interview with a London-based Arabic newspaper, Basindwah said that Yemen would exert every effort in order to reconcile all factions within the Palestinian camp and called on the Palestinians to prevent Israel from benefiting from the dissension in their ranks. When interviewed by the Egyptian press, Basindwah said that his government would support any decision made by the Palestinians. And when asked about the future of the Palestinian forces stationed in Yemen, he said that: "The Palestinian forces stationed in Yemen are actually in their homeland. But whether they decide to stay or leave is a matter for the PLO to decide."

When asked by a London weekly whether or not Arafat had informed him regarding the autonomy agreement with Israel, Saleh admitted that the agreement was reached in complete secrecy, and that he knew about it just a few weeks before its signature. He added:

"We were as surprised as the entire world, but when it comes to the settlement of their own problem, we support the choice of the Palestinian people"

When a journalist asked him about his country's position on the Israeli-Palestinian agreement regarding Gaza and Jericho, Saleh said: "We support the will of the Palestinian Arab people and whatever these militant Arab people have made and accepted. We had hoped for better agreement. We would have hoped that the Gaza-Jericho First Agreement would have also included the West Bank and East Jerusalem."

Despite its willingness to moderate its attitude towards Israel, San'a was not ready to take any step which might trigger Arab criticism against it. Even reports regarding the relaxation of the Arab Boycott against Israel by Oman and other Gulf countries did not inspire the Yemeni government to follow suit. In a statement to Al Ahram, Basindwah said that his country was not ready to end the boycott of Israel before a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East became reality.

The Yemeni government seemed determined to maintain friendly relations with Egypt, even though the latter concluded a peace agreement with Israel. During his visit to Cairo in August 1993, Basindwah said: "The relations between Yemen and Egypt are deep rooted. These relations were baptized by blood when the Egyptian people and Army helped Yemen during our revolution against the defunct imams' rule and British colonialism". In an interview with an Egyptian newspaper, Saleh expressed his country's unqualified support for Egypt.

In March 1994, Sheikh Abd-al-Majid al-Zindani, member of the Yemeni Presidential Council warned against what he regarded as a foreign and Zionist scheme to partition Yemen into several stateless in order to make it easier to control its oil wealth and strategic location, especially in the strait of Bab el Mandab. In 1995, Yemen and Eritrea had a conflict over the strategic Hanish islands in the Red Sea. The Yemenis were convinced that Israel was involved in the conflict. Yemen's Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Abd-al-Karim al-Iryani said in a news conference:

In fact, it has been proved beyond any doubt that there was a direct Israeli involvement, we would have been very happy to announce this, for several reasons which I do not care to discuss here. But we know in advance, and we were told by the Eritreans before we had a dispute with them that they received a grant from Israel, in the form of four or six boats. This fact was known to us, and we mentioned it in the media. What we know are the statements by the Israeli health minister ... It is normal for Israel to sympathize with Eritrea. Eritrea has official diplomatic relations with Israel. Do you expect it to support Yemen, which has not yet announced an end to the state of war with Israel?

— Abd-al-Karim al-Iryani, Yemeni Foreign Minister، news conference

Yemeni officials suggested that Israel supplied ammunition and equipment to the Eritrean forces in return for military bases on the Red Sea islands. Israel's Health Minister Efrayim Sne responded by saying that although Israel maintained good relations with Eritrea, it did not take part in the conflict. The fears that Israel was determined to prevent Yemen from controlling Bab alMandab increased partially as a result of an intense Iranian propaganda campaign aimed at keeping the two countries hostile to each other. Commenting on the Yemeni–Eritrean dispute over the three Red Sea islands, and the Eritrean occupation of Greater Hanish, an Iranian source said:

Observers believe that the Eritrean move of occupying Greater Hanish was instigated by countries that do not want Yemen to dominate the Bab-el-Mandeb island and strengthen its regional position. After unification, and with the pooling of the resources of its north and south, Yemen attained a position that gave it the power to compete with regional powers. ... Israel has always had its eye on the Red Sea so that the countries that have no problems with Israel might attain predominance in the region. Hence Tel Aviv is not very pleased about Yemen holding sway over the region

— Iranian source

While waging a verbal campaign against Israel, Yemen continued to collaborate closely with Iran and Iraq. It denounced U.S. policy toward Iraq and assisted Saddam Hussein on every occasion. According to the London-based newspaper Asharq Al-Awsat, 19 Iraqi pilots were being trained in Yemen in the fall of 1993. According to Iran's Minister of the Interior, Ali Mohammad Besharati, the promotion of his country's relations with Yemen was a pivotal feature of Iranian diplomacy. When the warring political forces in Yemen decided to reach an agreement in January 1994, the Yemeni government decided to hold a ceremony with Jordan's King Hussein as the mediator. Arafat was among the dignitaries invited. In an interview to Al-Ahram, Saleh said that he conferred with Egyptian President's Hosni Mubarak, and told him that it was beyond his comprehension how the Arabs continuously engaged in negotiations with Israel while they remained at odds with each other. When the U.S. announced its decision to move its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, the Yemeni Cabinet denounced the decision and expressed hope that the US government will reverse the bill that Yemen regarded as "contradictory to all resolutions of international legitimacy". Yet despite the official Yemeni statements Israel, low profile contacts between the two countries continued to take place.

Yemen sent a representative to attend former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin's funeral, and although they were critical of the slow pace of the peace process, Yemeni officials were encouraged by the Israeli–Palestinian dialogue.

In February 1996, Abd-al-Wahhab Darawsha and Talab al-Sani, both leaders of the Democratic Party and Knesset members arrived in San'a at the invitation of the Yemeni parliament, the House of Representatives. The Yemeni government did not give publicity to their visit. Yemeni sources were careful to state that the visitors were being hosted in their capacity as Arab citizens, and not as Knesset representatives. Coaxed by President Bill Clinton and President Mubarak, the Yemeni government agreed to participate in the peacemaking summit that took place in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt on March 13, 1996.

In the spring of 1996, Yemeni Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Abd al-Karim al-Iryani said that his government was deeply suspicious of what he called "the Zionist entity's intentions and seriousness in the search for peace". Yemen's Prime Minister, Faraj Said Bin Ghanem discussed issues of national security with his Egyptian counterpart, Kamal Ganzouri and Assistant Yemeni Foreign Minister, Eid Ali Abdel Rahman told news reporters that San'a would not take any steps towards establishing diplomatic relations with Israel until the latter agreed to the establishment of a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital.

The unwillingness of the Yemeni government to warm up to Israel was largely due to pressure exerted by the opposition groups. The most vocal opponent of the government's attempts to reconcile with Israel was the Yemeni Reform Grouping. Yemen's Deputy Prime Minister, Abd-al-Wahhab al-Anisi, who headed the group that was a partner of the General People's Congress in the coalition government, stated that he had reservations regarding Yemen's participation in the economic summit meeting held in Amman at the end of 1995. He also stated that his party boycotted the visit of an Israeli Knesset delegation to Yemen. His party's position, he said, was that peace in the Middle East could not be established without securing the Palestinians right to an independent state. The YSP was no less critical of the government's policy. It repeatedly called upon the government to refrain from participating in any event which Israel was represented. In August 1997, it urged the government to boycott the Middle East and North Africa economic summit scheduled for November that year in Qatar, if Israel did not take serious measures toward a lasting peace. Parliamentary speaker Abdullah al-Ahmar said that those countries who decided to attend the summit would be serving Israel's interests. Yemen's opposition parties became more vocal during the summer of 1997, when Israel's right-wing Likud government did not show willingness to accelerate the peace process.

In April 1999, there was a report that Abd al-Karim al-Iryani, by then Prime Minister of Yemen, had met with the director general of the Israeli Foreign Ministry. Reportedly, the meeting once again focused on visits, refugees and Israeli investments. But this was denied strongly by Sana'a. In June 1999, a Yemeni government official denied a report by the Israeli daily Maariv that Yemen was intending to normalize its relations with Israel. The Maariv report was described as "fabricated and baseless in spirit and content".

In January 2000, the Jordanian Al Majd newspaper said, quoting well-informed diplomatic sources in Amman that the Israeli embassy in the Jordanian had tried repeatedly to contact the Yemeni ambassador in Amman, Hassan Al Louzi, by telephone. In the same month, in a statement to the Kuwaiti daily Al-Seyassah, the then Yemeni foreign minister Abdul Qadir Bajamal said that all attempts made by Israel to use time to serve its interests in making a peace deal are doomed to failure. In March the Israeli airline, El Al, asked permission to use Yemeni airspace for its flights to the Far East but this was refused.

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 2006 Israel–Lebanon war

المقالة الرئيسية: International reactions to the 2006 Lebanon War

The ruling party, General People's Congress strongly condemned the actions of what it considered to be aggressions against the Palestinians and the Lebanese and called for the international community to intervene. Other political parties have also condemned the Israelis, and announced their support for the Palestinian and Lebanese people "in their fight for their right of survival and defeating occupier." They also called for the closing of Israeli embassies in Arab countries. Thousands came together in the capital city, Sana'a, on 19 July to protest the Israeli attacks against the Palestinians and Lebanese. The demonstration was organized by the ruling and opposition political parties.

 Gaza War

Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh condemned the Israeli raids as a “barbaric aggression”. Tens of thousands of people marched, many carrying banners condemning Israel and what they called "Arab silence" over the "extermination of the Palestinian people by the Zionist enemy". Following the war Yemen has prepared 42 tons of aid for the people of Gaza. Yemen has also declared its readiness to receive 500 injured Palestinians from the Gaza Strip and treat them in Yemeni hospitals.

 Gaza flotilla raid

The Yemeni Parliament strongly condemned the Israeli attack and demanded for "an Islamic army to encounter the Israeli arrogance."

 Accusations of espionage

In October 2008, security forces arrested six alleged Islamist militants linked to Israeli intelligence. In March 2009, a state security court sentenced 27-year-old Abdullah al-Haidari to death after convicting him of establishing contacts with the office of former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. A three-year prison term for another convict in the case, Emad Ali al-Raimi, 24, was also confirmed by the appeals court. The court also lowered the sentence for a third convict Ali Abdullah al-Mahfal, 25, from five to three years. The three remaining suspects were released before trial, due to lack of evidence.

 Operation Pillar of Cloud

According to a statement released to the Saba News Agency from a government source, "Yemen has announced its strong condemnation and denunciation of the "brutal Zionist aggression on the Gaza Strip, and standing of the Yemeni people with their brothers in Palestine at all times". The unnamed spoken also said that "The Yemeni government calls for the international community to bare their responsibilities towards the Zionist offensive and take swift action to stop this brutal aggression". The Yemeni parliament has denounced the Israeli operation, considering it an "aggression against all Arab and Muslim countries" and calling for using oil as a weapon to end the Israeli operation. It called on the Arab parliaments and shoura councils to hold an urgent meeting to discuss the "Israeli aggression against Gaza", calling for visiting Gaza in sympathy with its people. On 17 November, Permanent Representative of Yemen to the Arab League, Mohammed al-Haisami called "all Arab states to put an end to the cruel Zionist aggression on the Gaza Strip and to stop the crimes committed by Israel on the Palestinian people".

On November 19, hundreds marched in Sana'a to "affirm their solidarity with those under siege in the Gaza strip". The demonstrators, which began at Change Square, marched to the local Hamas office in Haseba district.

 Since 2015

Since the 2015 Civil War, both the Yemeni government and Houthis have refused normalization with Israel. The general public in Israel are increasingly growing concerned in regards to Houthi capability to potentially attack Israel. During a 2019 conference on fighting Iranian terrorism, a tense situation arose when the President of Yemen Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi had to sit next to the Prime Minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu even though the two are enemies. With backing from the UAE, groups in the south of Yemen are warming up to the idea of normalized relations.^{[بحاجة لمصدر]}

 Operation Swords of Iron

During the 2023 Israel–Hamas war, which Israel has called "Operation Swords of Iron", Yemen's Houthis fired ballistic missiles and a large number of drones at various targets in Israel according to Houthi military spokesman Brig. Gen. Yahya Saree.

 Cultural ties

When the Israeli singer, Ofra Haza planned to visit Yemen, where her parents emigrated from, the Yemeni government gave its approval. The organ of the Nasserist Unionist People's Organisation, Al-Warawi, was critical of this decision: "The visit proves that the ruling coalition began to march toward normalization of cultural and economic relations with Israel." It added that the approval given to the singer's visit was "a flying balloon whose purpose is to gauge the response of the nation and the parties before additional steps to normalize relations can be taken." The organ of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, Al-Thawri, claimed that the attempt to improve relations with Israel was part of a Yemeni grand design to become friendly with the United States.

In 2010, Yemen sacked the country's chess team and members of the governing body after its players competed against Israel at a tournament in Belarus. The Yemeni Sports minister, Hamud Mohammed Ubad, ordered the dismissal after players ignored instructions to pull out if drawn against Israel. Ubad said that "this was an individual action contrary to the policy of Yemen, which refuses any normalisation with Israel".

 Politics

Following the Houthi insurgency in Yemen, tensions grew with Israel. Analyst Salem Al Ketbi argued that a Houthi attack on Israel, albeit unlikely, is still a possibility, but could take the form of an intelligence or cyberspace attack rather than a military one.

 انظر أيضاً

• Foreign relations of Israel
• Foreign relations of Yemen
• International recognition of Israel
• Arab–Israeli conflict